… working a few different updates for the blog, including an MRTA piece ( personally, I think the support work we did around the  Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement’s takeover of the Japanese embassy in Lima in 1996 was our ‘finest moment’ ), a feature on Dutch guerrilla organization Revolutionary Anti-Racist Action, and an entry on Turkey’s DHKP-C / Devrimici Sol …

… also working on uploading the communiques from the Red Guerrilla Resistance ( “The Red Guerrilla Resistance is a communist politico/military organization comprised of revolutionaries from the North American oppressor nation. Over the last few years we have initiated a program of armed propaganda and done a number of armed actions under the name of the Revolutionary Fighting Group and Armed Resistance Unit.” ) I’ve previously uploaded the RGR’s discussion paper as well as lots of info about the folks arrested for the actions of the RGR …

… here’s a news article about the bombing of the U.S. Capitol in 1983 as well as the communique … side-note: the two pictures of the damage to the inside of the Capitol were part of a series of photos that somehow ended up in our hands … they were part of the evidence presented at the Resistance Conspiracy Case 6 trial  …


Capitol Bombing
Washington Post
November 9, 1983

The FBI believes the group that claimed responsibility for an explosion that damaged the Capitol Monday night has been involved, either directly or through affiliated groups, in a series of bombings of federal or corporate offices in New York and Washington over the last year, according to informed sources.

A tape recorded message was telephoned to The Washington Post moments before the explosion at 11 p.m. and said that the action was being taken by the Armed Resistance Unit in support of “all nations’ struggle” against U.S. military aggression in Grenada and Lebanon. A second call, also recorded, warned the Capitol switchboard that a bomb was about to go off.

Moments later, an explosion left piles of rubble just outside the doors to the Senate chamber, blowing out a wall partition and windows, ripping through the Republican Cloakroom, and damaging several works of art on the second floor. The bomb appeared to have been placed on or under a window well seat in a corridor leading to the Senate chamber.

Congressional aides said the blast, while it apparently caused no structural damage, probably will cost at least $1 million to repair.

Security was immediately tightened at the Capitol and other government buildings yesterday. Several federal office buildings and Metro’s Capitol South subway station were closed temporarily after numerous bomb threats were received during the day.

The D.C. police warned commanders that terrorist groups could strike again and ordered special surveillance of federal and District government buildings, courthouses, embassies and police facilities.

In a news conference yesterday morning, an outraged Senate Minority Leader Robert C. Byrd (D-W.Va.), whose office doors were blown off in the incident, called the explosion “an offense against all the people.”

“It was like a shrapnel explosion,” Senate Majority Leader Howard H. Baker Jr. (R-Tenn.) said. “It really could have been bad; there could have been a loss of life if the Senate had been in session.”

Sen. Jeremiah Denton (R-Ala), chairman of a security and terrorism subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee, described the bombing as “an attack that strikes at the heart of our constitutional democracy.”

“It takes incidents such as the attack on our marines in Lebanon or a bomb going off in the Capitol to obtain the attention that could have and should have been accorded to the problem earlier,” said Denton, who sharply criticized the news media for not giving sufficient coverage to the earlier findings of his subcommittee.

The bomb appeared to have been placed near the Mansfield Room, across the hall from the Republican Cloakroom and diagonally across from the minority leader’s office.

It caused major damage to arches, and the walls outside and inside the Republican Cloakroom were pockmarked with fist-sized holes. Glass in the wall separating the hallway from the cloakroom was shattered.

The explosion ripped a 19th-century oil portrait of Sen. Daniel Webster from its gilt frame and shredded a portrait of John C. Calhoun, Capitol officials said. Four other paintings were slightly damaged and were removed for examination.

Other prized furnishings also were damaged. A grandfather clock that has stood outside the Senate chamber since 1859 was stopped by the blast, which also blackened one eye of a marble bust of Theodore Roosevelt. Glazed tiles installed in the 1850s by English craftsmen were torn from the floor and propelled through the window of the Republican Cloakroom. Woodwork and gold molding outside the Mansfield Room were ripped apart in the explosion.

The FBI, which is investigating the incident along with the District police, Capitol police and Secret Service, is understood to be reviewing video tapes taken by surveillance cameras hidden in Capitol alcoves in an effort to determine the identity of the person or persons responsible.

At a news conference yesterday, Theodore M. Gardner, the FBI’s special agent in charge of the Washington Field Office, said that dynamite appears to have been used.

“It was a high-explosive device with delayed timing,” Gardner said, disclosing that the Armed Resistance Unit is the same group that claimed responsibility for a bomb blast last April at the National War College building at Fort McNair in Southwest Washington.
In that incident, as in Monday’s, no one was injured, the explosive material was set off with a timing device, and the blast was preceded by tape recorded messages played during telephone calls. The messages referred to U.S. imperialism, American bases, and Guatemala.

Yesterday, National Public Radio received in the mail a typewritten “communique” from the Armed Resistance Unit saying, “Tonight we bombed the U.S. Capitol building.”
The letter continues: “We attacked the U.S. government to retaliate against imperialist aggression that that has sent the Marines, the CIA, and the Army to invade sovereign nations, to trample and lay waste the lives and rights of the peoples of Grenada, Lebanon, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, to carry out imperialism’s need to dominate, oppress, and exploit.”

Saying the group consciously aimed its attack at American institutions as opposed to individuals, the letter refers approvingly to attempts by nationalists to create an independent Puerto Rican nation and calls for “Victory to the FMLN/FDR” and support for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).

FMLN and FDR are two groups among interrelated organizations that have claimed responsibility for the bombings that have plagued institutions in Washington and New York, the FBI believes. Several receive backing and money from the Cuban government, according to information received by the bureau from U.S. intelligence agencies.

The most visible organizations have been the FMLN, the Spanish acronym for Farabundo Marti Liberation Front, and its political arm, the Democratic Revolutionary Front, or FDR. Based in El Salvador, the FMLN is composed of guerrillas who receive Cuban aid and cooperate with both the Armed Resistance Unit and a Puerto Rican terrorist group called the FALN, according to the FBI.

In the most recent bombing, the United Freedom Front claimed responsibility for two bombs that damaged a Bronx Army Reserve Center Aug. 20. Kenneth Walton, deputy assistant FBI director in charge of the New York office, said at the time that the group is also known as the Armed Resistance Unit and the Revolutionary Fighting Group.

On Aug. 18, a small explosive device caused minor damage to the outside of a building housing a computer operation at the Washington Navy Yard. The FMLN, in a tape recorded call, claimed responsibility.

On May 12, explosions rocked military reserve centers in Nassau and Queens counties in New York. The FBI said the United Freedom Front was believed responsible.

Last Jan. 28, a man identifying himself as a member of the Revolutionary Fighting Group called United Press International to claim responsibility for a bomb that exploded near an FBI office in New York.

On New Year’s Eve, four bombs exploded within 90 minutes of one another, rocking four government buildings, including New York City police headquarters and U.S. District Court in Brooklyn. A caller claimed at least two of the bombings were done by the FALN, while another caller said the PLO was responsible.


Armed Resistance Unit

Communique No. 3

The U.S. Capitol Bombing

November 7, 1983

Tonight we bombed the U.S. Capitol. We attacked the U.S. government to retaliate against ARUCap3imperialist aggression that has sent the marines, the CIA and the army to invade sovereign nations, to trample and lay waste to the lives and rights of the peoples of Grenada, Lebanon, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, to carry out imperialism’s need to dominate, oppress, and exploit. Every act of the U.S. military – directed by the White House and Congress – has been nothing less than an outright attack on the fundamental right of nations to self-determination, peace and freedom. These acts have been carried out with cynical disregard for life as well as for truth. Reagan calls progress and revolution “terrorism” and tries to portray the true terrorism of imperialist invasion as “democracy” and “freedom”. Only a government arrogant enough to believe that its economic and political needs should dominate the whole world can call the invasion of Grenada a “rescue operation”, the invasion of Lebanon a “peace-keeping mission”, the fascist rulers of El Salvador “democracy’s friends”, and the contras “freedom fighters”. The Reagan lie that the invasion of Grenada prevented a “Cuban takeover” is nothing less than a pretext for eliminating a Black socialist nation in the Caribbean. Last year, in a dress rehearsal ARUCap2called “Ocean Venture”, the U.S. armed forces practised the Grenadian invasion on the island of Vieques, Puerto Rico. The vicious attack on the socialist nation of Cuba – which has provided a consistent, revolutionary example of proletarian internationalism – and the attempt to discredit and destroy the People’s Revolutionary Army and the New Jewel Movement of the Grenadian people, show the extent to which the U.S. will go in order to control and dominate Latin America, Central America, and the Caribbean, and to try to defeat socialism in the region. With the collusion of the press, the U.S. government is building anti-communism to justify these attacks and further military aggression to resolve its own internal economic and political problems.

We are acting in solidarity with all those leading the fight against U.S. imperialism – the peoples of Grenada, Lebanon, Palestine, El Salvador, and Nicaragua – who are confronting direct U.S. aggression, and those, like the people of Chile and the Philippines, who are struggling to free their nations from U.S. puppet regimes. They are all paying a tremendous price for freedom, and we commit ourselves to fight with the same seriousness for the same goals – self-determination for oppressed nations, the total defeat of imperialism, and the building of a socialist world.

Our action also carries a message to the anti-imperialist movement here, that we need to resist and fight as people all over the world are doing – with principle, consistency and ARUCap1determination. We join with all the people across the U.S., and the millions throughout the world, who condemn U.S. imperialist aggression. Our solidarity with the liberation struggles under attack by U.S. imperialism must be uncompromising, militant, and unwavering in supporting the right of those nations to self-determination. We cannot fall into the trap of debating which wing of the government has the right to declare war, or which politician might be less blatant in his racism and anti-communism, nor can we be fooled by those bourgeois politicians who claim to be sympathetic to Third World nations – and who would more “humanely” exploit those nations in the interest of U.S. imperialism. The enemy is the imperialist system. Electoral politics and pacifism are paths that have been tried many times, and that have failed. To follow those paths now will only weaken and undermine the movement and defeat our attempts to organize greater numbers of people to resist.

Our action carries a message to the U.S. imperialist ruling class: we purposely aimed our attack at the institutions of imperialist rule rather than at individual members of the ruling class and government. We did not choose to kill any of them at this time. But their lives are not sacred, and their hands are stained with the blood of millions. Let it be clear to the people of this country as it is to the rest of the people of the world that the U.S. ruling class are war criminals, and they will be held accountable for their crimes.Screenshot (11)
33 years ago almost to the day, Oscar Collazo and Griselio Torresola, two Puerto Rican Nationalists fighting for Independence for Puerto Rico, attacked another part of imperialist power – the Commander-in-Chief, the President of the U.S. Their action was one of the first in which the oppressed brought the war back to the doorsteps of the oppressor. We salute them and all Puerto Rican, Mexican, New Afrikan, Native American and North American freedom fighters who have been killed or captured in the struggle. To them also, our action carries a message – our commitment to carry on the struggle.

U.S. Military Out Of Grenada, Lebanon And Central America!

Defend The Grenadian And Nicaraguan Revolutions!

Victory To The FMLN/FDR!

Support The Lebanese National Movement And The P.L.O.!

Fight U.S. Imperialism!

Build A Revolutionary Resistance Movement!


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This dossier contains communiques, discussion papers / critiques and news articles by and about the Anti-Imperialist Cell / Anti-Imperialistiche Zelle / AIZ.

The AIZ was active in Germany from 1992 (forming just after the dissolution of the Red Army Faction ) to 1996 (when two persons were arrested and charged with membership in the AIZ) and carried out nine armed actions during that period. 

The AIZ were particularly critiqued and criticized by the German radical left ….  both in terms of  their politics (calling for a continuation of RAF politics and then turning towards support for Libya and the Islamic states) and their praxis (actions which were seen as reckless / irresponsible / inappropriate).


News: The Riddle of ‘Weekend’ Terrorism: Germany Scores First Victory In Battle Against Extremism

Anti-Imperialist Cells: Communique – April 22, 1992 – “22 Years Of Armed Struggle By The RAF In Germany”.

Anti-Imperialist Cells: Discussion Paper – May 22, 1992 – “Resistance Means Attack!” – A Critique Of The RAF

Anti-Imperialist Cells: Communique – November 17, 1993 – Statement Concerning The Attack On ‘Gesamtmetall’ In Cologne

Anti-Imperialist Cells: Communique – June 5, 1994 – Statement Concerning The Attack On The CDU Office In Dusseldorf

News: Bomb Detonated In Front Of FDP Office In Bremen

News: Anti-Imperialist Cell Threatens New Attacks

Anti-Imperialist Cells: Discussion Paper – Early November 1994 – “Struggle Together!”
German Ex-Minister’s Home Bombed, No One Hurt

Critique: “A Critique Of The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ)” – Group Barbara Kistler – March 1995

News: Leftists Say They Bombed German Politician’s Home

News: German Politician Escapes Bomb Attack

Critique: Warning! The Following Is Another Article About The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ) – April 1995

Critique: Another Critique Of The AIZ – May 1995

News: Guerrillas Say They Bombed German Office Over Peru

News: Germany Issues Arrest Warrants For Guerrillas

Critique: There Are Many Ways To Express Leftist Politics – One Of Them Is Solidarity!Some Thoughts About The Anti-Imperialist Cell

News: Alleged AIZ Members Still Not Charged As Solidarity Slowly Builds

News: Partial Admission In AIZ Trial: So There Were Only Two Of Them After All…

News: Update On The AIZ Trial In Germany; Six Months In Prison For Witness Who Refused To Testify In The “AIZ Trial”zklogoA (3).jpg

The Riddle of ‘Weekend’ Terrorism

Germany Scores First Victory In Battle Against Extremism

The Observer, March 1996

The detectives from Germany’s Bundeskriminalamt (the equivalent of America’s FBI) could hardly believe their luck last Sunday as they watched two suspects loading 3.5kg of explosives into a wine-coloured VW Passat from a dump outside Berlin.AIZ7

They followed the car to Hamburg before instructing police to arrest the two young physics graduates identified only as Bernhard F and Michael S. But when bomb disposal experts looked inside the Passat, they were flabbergasted: the explosives had vanished.

It was the latest twist in a three-year battle by German police and intelligence chiefs to capture the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ), a bizarre left-wing terror group the authorities claim is more dangerous than any of its predecessors.

‘You can see the danger from the 10 (bomb] attacks the group has carried out since its foundation in 1993,’ says Ernst Uhrlau, Hamburg chief of the Verfassungsschutz, Germany’s MI5. ‘Up to now they have only damaged property but it is pure chance that nobody has been killed or injured.’

Dubbed ‘weekend terrorists’ by the authorities, the AIZ is believed to number no more than 50 activists, mostly university graduates in their mid-twenties.

AIZ8Unlike the infamous Red Army Faction, which flaunted its rejection of bourgeois society, AIZ members operate in complete secrecy, using the in-former-proof cell structure favoured by the IRA. Their intended victims have been middle-ranking officials, few of whom enjoy round-the-clock police protection.

In lengthy position papers the AIZ places itself within the tradition of the Red Army Fac-tion prior to that group’s abandonment of the ‘armed struggle’ in 1992.

The RAF, also known as Baader-Meinhof after its founders, was Germany’s most effective and durable post-war terrorist movement. After a series of spectacular actions in the early Seventies, including a bomb attack on the US army base at Heidelberg, most of the group’s activities were aimed at securing their members’ release from jail.

But recent AIZ statements have expressed support for such diverse causes as Peru’s Shining Path guerrillas, the Kurdish PKK, and Islamic fun-damentalist groups.

Political observers are puzzled by the return of terrorism to Germany after the end of the Cold War. The last wave of left-wing terror had its roots in the student revolts of 1968, when an entire generation was gripped by radical politics. ‘The background then was the idea that you could change society,’ says Gunter Bierbrauer, professor of social psychology at the University of Osnabruck. ‘That was very widespread even outside the universities, and some splinter groups grew up which felt that violence was the only way to bring change quickly.’

The first such group was the 2 June Movement, a West Berlin terror group with links to the Italian Red Brigades, which specialised in bomb attacks, arson and kidnapping.b2j

Founder member Michael ‘Bommi’ Baumann was wanted on bombing, bank robbery and firearms charges when he fled Germany in 1972. He was extradited from Britain in 1981 and, after serving five years in jail, he now works as a project manager on  a building site. He believes that political ideology accounts for only half of the motivation behind the terrorist activity of his generation.

‘Most or us came from families of Nazis, let’s face it. My father was the SA chief in the Charlottenburg district of Berlin and my uncle was an SS chief in Ukraine. This is your family and in the end they are murderers. And if the same people are telling you how to cut your hair, what clothes to wear and what music to listen to, it is hard to take.’

He is contemptuous of the AIZ, pointing out that its activities have damaged the chances of freeing the remaining Red Army Faction prisoners in German jails.

Bierbrauer believes today’s young terrorists are driven above all by an urge to be on the right side of a moral argument. ‘If you identify injustice in the world and do not accept it, you can set yourself up as a Robin Hood figure. That gives you a sense of your own moral uprightness. This is not part of a social movement as it was in the 1970s,’ he says.

AIZ6 (2)The authorities hope that, despite the vanishing explosives, last week’s arrests represent their first successful blow against the AIZ. But even if’ the AIZ is crushed, Bierbrauer doubts if extremism will ever leave the political stage in Germany for good.

‘If I know my fellow Germans, I must admit that they tend to extremes. There is an extreme form of idealism here which teaches that the world can be shaped in a certain way. It is a typical product of seventeenth and eighteenth-century German philosophy. I think it is no wonder that Karl Marx Was a German, and that the idea you could create a society on ideological grounds was born here.

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 Anti-Imperialist Cell Communique

April 22, 1992

22 Years Of Armed Struggle By The RAF In Germany


1970: The liberation of Andreas Baader from prison. The “Red Army Fraction” (RAF) is born. “A revolutionary political praxis under the present conditions – if not always – makes a priority of the integration of the individual character and the political motivation, that means political identity.


We think that organizing armed resistance groups in West Germany and West Berlin at this point in time is right, is possible, is justified. It is right, possible, and justified to organize an urban guerrilla here and now.


By giving developmental and military aid to the wars of aggression being waged by the USA, Germany is profiting from the exploitation of the Third World, while not assuming any responsibility for these wars and while not having to deal with a domestic opposition movement. While no less aggressive than American imperialism, it is less easy to attack. The political possibilities of imperialism here have not been exhausted, neither in their reformist nor their fascist varieties; there is no end to its ability to integrate or suppress the contradictions which it gives rise to. The urban guerrilla concept of the Red Army Fraction is not based on an optimistic evaluation of the situation in West Germany and West Berlin.


SHPRAF13“The left at that time knew that it would be right to link the spreading of socialist propaganda to the actual hindering of the deliveries of the Bild-Zeitung [a right-wing daily newspaper – trans.]. That is would be right to link the spreading of propaganda to the GIs, urging them not to go to Vietnam, to actual attacks on airplanes destined to be sent to Vietnam, to disrupt the plans of the German army by attacking NATO airports. That it would be right to link the critique of class justice to blowing up prison walls, to link the critique of the Springer Corporation to the physical disarming of their security guards, to set up our own transmitter, to demoralize the police, to find illegal living spaces for army deserters, to be able to agitate among foreign workers by being able to give them forged papers, to sabotage the factory production of napalm.


“The urban guerrilla is supposed to undermine certain points of the state’s power SHPRAF16apparatus, to remove its power step by step, and to destroy the myth that the state is omnipotent. The urban guerrilla advances the development of an illegal apparatus, namely homes, weapons, munitions, cars, identification. The most important aspects of this were spelled out by Marighella in his mini-handbook for the urban guerrilla. We are prepared at any time to tell other aspects of this to anyone who needs to know it, if they want to do it. We don’t know a lot of things yet, but we still know quite a lot.


“The Red Army Fraction is organizing the underground as an offensive position for revolutionary intervention. To form an urban guerrilla means to offensively wage an anti-imperialist struggle. The Red Army Fraction is providing a link between the legal and the illegal struggle, between the national and the international struggle, between the political and the armed struggle. (…) “Despite the weakness of the revolutionary forces here in Germany and West Berlin, urban guerrilla means revolutionary intervention here and now!


– “The Concept Of The Urban Guerrilla”, Red Army Fraction, April 1971

SHPRAF71972: Attacks on: 1) the headquarters of the 5th US Corps in Frankfurt; 2) the police headquarters in Augsburg; 3) the LKA [state criminal justice office – trans.] office in Munich; 4) Buddenberg (federal judge) in Karlsruhe; 5) the Springer Corporation headquarters in Hamburg; 6) the Heidelberg headquarters of the US army forces in Europe.

1975: Occupation of the German embassy in Stockholm.

1977: Attacks on Buback (federal prosecutor) in Karlsruhe and Ponto (chairman of the Dresdner Bank) in Oberursel; attempted attack on the federal prosecutor’s office in Karlsruhe; kidnapping of Schleyer (head of the employers’ association) in Cologne.

“The system has created a situation in the metropoles whereby the masses are sunk so deeply in their own filth that they, as objects of the imperialist system, have lost all feeling for their status as exploited and oppressed peoples, so that they are now willing SHPRAF15to put up with any crime committed by the system as long as they can have a car, a little money, life insurance, and a mortgage, and they couldn’t imagine or dream of anything better than having their own car, a vacation, or a glazed tile bathtub. It follows from this, therefore, that the revolutionary subject is anyone who has freed themselves from these urges and who refuses to participate in the system’s crimes. That means that anyone who finds their identity in the liberation struggles of the peoples of the Third World or anyone who refuses to just go along is a revolutionary subject. Only if we succeed in making the connection between imperialism and anti-imperialism 24 hours every day can we really formulate and present people’s problems in terms so that people will understand us and not only our actions – in the same way the RAF is understood, so too will our propaganda, our speech, our words be understood. To serve the people! If the people of the Third World are the vanguard of the anti-imperialist revolution, that means that it is our task to realize the big hopes of the people in the metropoles for their own liberation and to link the liberation struggles of the people in the Third World to the desire for SHPRAF27liberation in the metropoles, wherever it manifests itself: in schools and colleges, in the factories, in families, in the prisons, in the big office buildings, in hospitals, in bureaucratic offices, in political parties, in unions – everywhere. Against everything which negates this connection, suppresses it, destroys it: consumption, the media, conformism, opportunism, dogmatism, domination, patronizing, brutalizing, isolation. ‘We mean everyone!’ We all are revolutionary subjects. Anyone who starts to struggle and to resist is one of us.


– “The Action By Black September In Munich: On The Strategy Of The Anti-Imperialist Struggle”, Red Army Fraction, November 1972


1979: Attack on Haig (NATO commander) in Obourg, Belgium.

1981: Attacks on the US forces headquarters in Europe (Ramstein) and NATO general Kroesen (supreme commander of US forces in Europe).

1984: Attempted attack on the NATO school in Oberammergau.

1985: Attacks on Zimmerman (chairman of the armaments corporation MTU) in Gauting and the US airbase in Frankfurt.

1986: Attacks on Beckurts (Siemens executive) in Strasslach and Braunmuhl (deputy foreign minister) in Bonn.

1988: Attempted attack on Tietmeyer (state secretary of the
finance ministry) in Bonn.

1989: Attack on Herrhausen (head of the Deutsche Bank) in Homburg.

1990: Attack on Neusel (state secretary for the interior ministry) in Bonn.

SHPRAF91991: Attacks on the US embassy in Bonn and Rohwedder (head of the Treuhand Agency) in Dusseldorf.

“The objective situation brings to mind the question of whether the guerrilla are now finally finished. A subjective one for many, who have no more future here, at that moment of existential experience, that if this really is the case, then all their hopes and dreams of another life will have vanished, too. There is only hope so long as there is struggle.


“For 7 years, in this political desert where everything is just appearance, products, packaging, lies, and deception, we tried to find the spirit and the morality, the praxis and the political orientation of a final break with and the destruction of the system. Guerrilla. Out of the identity with and connection to the struggles in South East Asia, Africa, and Latin America, we tried to make a violent break and to establish ourselves. That which Che called the period of survival and anchoring meant for us here the phase of pushing through a concept which will live on and be taken up, even in times when the existing illegal armed groups are defeated. Pushed through violently in any case. In every respect. And isolated. Not only in the face of a historically unique apparatus of SHPRAF25repression.


In this landscape, which has been flattened and trampled down for generations, it’s hardly possibly anymore to push thoughts of liberation through the meters-thick wall of corruption, alienation, and deformation and into peoples’ hearts and minds.


“To struggle in an open strategic concept where everyone is a part of the revolutionary front here who, from the seriousness of their history and their subjective process, sees the politics of the guerrilla as having the shared goal of revolutionary social change and the destruction of the imperialist system. And from the very first moment, their task as well as ours is to develop the front in the centre. That’s what we mean when we say: ‘struggle together’. A front.



“We say: When armed and illegal organizations are at the heart of this strategy, the full strength will only be realized when armed politics are brought together with militant attacks and with struggles from the entire spectrum of oppression and alienation and with the political struggle to convey this process towards a conscious and targeted attack against the turning point and foundations of the imperialist centre.


SHPRAF8a“We conclude: Fundamental opposition to this system, like in no other time in the past, is needed. Cold, without illusions, nothing more to be achieved through the state. There will be no more ‘changing of the system’ or ‘alternative models’ under this state. These are simply impossible. This is the end – only when this system is finished will it be possible to imagine a perspective on life.


“Over the last 2 years, there have been several flyers and actions with the slogan ‘A front with the RAF’ and we know that there is the need and the willingness for this in all politicized sectors. But there is still a major discrepancy between this need, willingness, and budding potential and its realization in a development process, organization, and movement.”


shpraf27A“The discussion is still the same, in so far as isolated positions and ideals are pointed out, but the strictness of individual group thought and the determination to start taking on matters are lacking in those places where the understanding of the situation becomes one’s own: The anti-imperialist front is both as necessary as it is weak, it could be potentially strong in its position in the centres of Western Europe and there are
enormous possibilities in the international liberation struggle.


“For us, too, the situation is one where we are relatively weak in the face of a power which possesses just about everything here and – in the long-term – won’t allow a front to develop which threatens its power, because it is forced to use aggression as the solution to all its problems at the social, societal, and military-political level. In doing so, the SHPRAF8bpolitical boundaries, the ‘annoyances’, in the metropoles are transgressed – democracy, welfare, internal security – and this can’t be kept up for ever if the state is continually being broken by the anti-imperialist struggle, which means that the confrontation becomes open and the thin ideological division between the state and the society gets torn down.


“The concentration and centralization of capital, rationalization, planned levels of massive unemployment, the instrumentalization of people as tools in the machine, the
forcing of energy policies due to the use of energy sources as a weapon of war on the international market, the destruction of social structures in the interest of the police and big money, wearing people out in their struggle to make a living, training to be factory cops, the justice system, prison, etc. These are advances in this militarily-planned offensive, this iron curtain around all sectors of metropolitan society, which has left us
with no alternative but to create a front in the centre whether we want to or not – the war is underway. The only question now is whether there will be a revolutionary front to respond to this reactionary offensive.SHPRAF24


“Resistance to the imperialist machine which is so exploitative here – that’s our definition of the guerrilla’s function and the development of an anti-imperialist front – means to attack and to develop the revolutionary front in the centre as part of a world-wide struggle.


“Revolutionary politics here is the strategy which sees resistance to the day to day reality here as a process of the struggle for liberation, and which views this as part of a world-wide struggle, and only by working together can the goal be reached. This form of politics has nothing whatsoever to do with how one looks at the world. It is not based on an exhausted ideological model which we should hope to be realized in the future. It can only be a concrete process.”

– “Guerrilla, Resistance, And The Anti-Imperialist Front”, Red Army Fraction, May 1982

“Anyone that does not struggle will die over time! Freedom is only possible in the struggle for liberation!”
(RAF, 4.4.91)

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And we, as part of the resistance movement in Germany, would like to add to that now (22.4.92): Resistance means that the history of the past 22 years should not be abandoned to the state and the media. This history lives on in us. Resistance to the imperialist superpower Germany will be determined by these experiences. The struggle goes forward together.

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Anti-Imperialist Cell Discussion Paper – May 22, 1992

“Resistance Means Attack!”

A Critique Of The RAF

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“Everyone has to die. The question is only how, and how you live your life, and the matter is quite clear: Fighting against the pigs for the liberation of humanity! Revolutionary, in struggle – with a love of life, and contempt for death. For me, that’s how
you serve the people – RAF.”

(from the last letter written by Holger Meins, 31.10.74)GerPos225

On 22.4.92, we said: “The struggle goes forward together.”

Now (22.5.92) we’d like to examine that more closely, to take a look at the necessity/meaning of militant resistance in Germany. We see this as an answer to what the comrades from the guerrilla wrote on 10.4.92. We accept this decision which the comrades decided upon as a decision which applies to themselves. But at the same time we sharply criticize a whole series of passages in their statement which are given a political expression. The taz [a liberal daily newspaper – trans.] was wrong when they when they wrote in the 25.4.92 edition of their paper that we are a “RAF splinter-group”.

We understand ourselves to be part of the resistance movement in Germany. We have our own form of militant politics and we intend to further develop this. We will leave all further speculation to those people whose job it is to track down people who carry out resistance in Germany.

Whereas the ruling powers are signalling the “end of the RAF” as the end of militant resistance in Germany with propaganda spread through the media, our approach is diametrically opposed to this: We want to learn from the theoretical/practical experiences of the guerrilla (and that means also to learn from the mistakes) and to contribute to the further development of militant politics in this country. This is at a time when the entire system allows practically no genuine free space whatsoever for people to search for alternatives. During the 22 years that the Red Army Fraction carried out its armed struggle, it was proven that it is possible to carry out attacks in the heart of the state, even here in Germany, in one of the most highly developed imperialist centres. In the last few years, these attacks were no longer the part of an overall strategy, without
GerPos81which it’s impossible to make revolutionary politics. The guerrilla are not the ones responsible for this, but rather this is the fault of everyone for whom the slogan “struggle together” has any meaning. We don’t criticize these attacks in and of themselves, but rather the fact that, since they were not imbedded in comprehensive politics, they attacks could no longer achieve their potential political effect. Nevertheless: The successful attacks on Herrhausen and Rohwedder made a lot more people silently happy than the comrades themselves seem to admit.

Greetings to the Ulrich Wessel Commando!

For us, the most important thing is the content of revolutionary politics. Naturally, a part of this is the world- wide struggle for freedom for all comrades presently detained in
imperialist prisons.

As for those comrades imprisoned here in Germany, we demand: Freedom for all prisoners from the RAF and resistance within a reasonable period of time! In particular, the immediate release of Isabel, Ali, and Bernd, who are ill. Immediate regroupment of all prisoners from the RAF and resistance! No new trials against comrades already in prison! As for all foreign comrades: Immediate release and the possibility to travel to any country they choose!

In their statement, the guerrilla describe the “fractionalization” of the state security GerPos48apparatus in a manner which we feel to be mistaken. The ultimate aim of the people like von Stahl [attorney general – trans.], Werthebach, and Kinkel, who has since been promoted to the post of foreign minister, is domestic peace in Germany. In other words, the ruling elite have made the following demand on the politicians: There can be no visible resistance which is in a position to bring into question the state’s totality. But the state security apparatus is confronted with the fact that the means of destructive prison conditions has only been partially successful towards that end.

The Kinkel-Initiative was an attempt to weaken the resistance in Germany over a long period of time, in the hope of eventually eliminating it.

For Kinkel, the prisoners are simply a means to an end. The inhumanity of his politics is made very clear by some of his statements, in which he hardly denies that the prisoners serve the function of hostages. The leading people involved in the KGT [Anti-Terrorism Coordinating Group – trans.] feel that those people which the state has available in its prisons can be played off against those people who oppose the system. That’s the core
of Kinkel’s calming statement on ZDF television when he called our first communique a “disruption manoeuvre” against his policies. What careerists like him fail to understand is that it is from this very system which the resistance originally came. As long as this system continues to oppress people, both here and abroad, there will be resistance.

The fact that we are struggling in a country which has never witnessed a successful GerPos45revolution, a country where a particularly evil variant of fascist “national socialism” once ruled, a country in which there are only a few traditions of resistance, all of this makes it even more important for there to be a continuity of resistance. It follows from this: Those things which the comrades correctly/decisively recognized years ago in their analysis need to be applied to the present social/political situation. On May 6, 1975, two days before her death, Ulrike Meinhof was visited by the Italian R.A. Capelli. In her May 7 report of the conversation, she said, among other things, that: “The function of the reactionary integration of Western Europe for counter-revolution in the Third World and the development of North-South antagonism, the general connection between the struggle in the metropoles and the development of the front in the Third World – the conversation astounded him (Capelli, that is).”

Militant resistance in Germany has as its strategic goal the establishment of a link between the struggles of the Three Continents and that which is at hand or which can (potentially) be developed here in the form of resistance. We would like to say more about that.

Firstly: Considering the level of exploitation/destruction of human existence in the Three Continents, it is the fucking moral duty of everyone in Germany who defines him- or herself as left-radical to continually make new attacks here. That’s why we can fully understand the anger of the foreign comrades we have spoken with when we discussed the recent statement from the guerrilla: They can’t understand how comrades who surely realize that the imperialist elite’s war against the people of the Three Continents advances more and more every day can be responsible for calling an end to armed struggle in Germany.GerPos30

Struggle together in a front with those people waging resistance in the Three Continents!

Secondly: We have to bear in mind the actual social reality in Germany. The relative stability of the system in the metropoles is based on the consistent ability of the ruling
powers to make the actual/supposed identity of the people that of the “middle class”. The system is (still) able to adapt mechanisms of integration to the actual present situation
whenever necessary. That is (perhaps the decisive) part of German reality.

We have to bear in mind the social conflicts/moods of the “lower classes” in this society. Here, the situation is, for example, as follows:

In an asylum-seekers’ hostel in Hunxe, 8-year-old Zeinap is so badly burned by a group of skinheads that she will be disfigured for life. In Magdeburg, 23-year-old Thorsten is beaten to death by a skinhead at a birthday party. A 28-year-old Iranian prevents his deportation to Turkey by slashing his wrists in the back of the police car taking him to the airport in Frankfurt. An 18-year-old is found dead, hung in his cell, at 6:00pm by guards, after having been brought to prison at 3:30pm. According to “statistics”, 4 youths commit suicide every day in Germany. A 44- year-old unemployed man in Zepernick hangs himself in his garden just hours before he is to be forcibly evicted from his GerPos8property. Of the 14,000 suicides registered in 1990, 4,000 were elderly people. In Oschersleben, 50 unemployed persons take over the state employment office and begin a hungerstrike. After 18 years, workers in the “public sector” go on strike against the will of both the employers and the unions. In the states of Baden- Wurtenburg and Schleswig-Holstein, 30% of people don’t even bother to “vote” while two fascist parties book election “successes”.

We have to deal with today’s reality and all of its contradictions. We have to deal with a system which functionalizes peoples’ fear of poverty (with 3 million unemployed and 352,000 homeless) to its own ends. In those places where the mechanisms of integration fail, the ruling politics is exposed to be the same thing here as it is with respect to the Three Continents: inhumane. These politics are based on having people redirect their hate, anger, disillusionment, and resignation against another person or against weaker persons, not against the ruling powers.

In so far as militant politics can break through this strategy, they have a political effect. Every day when the destruction of human value is experienced in the metropoles, a way out can be found in an attack on the elite, the corporations, the organs of repression, etc. That means that this has to be carried out to its logical conclusion, otherwise there can be no freedom.

Freedom is only possible in the struggle for liberation!

All people in the metropoles who struggle for liberation eventually recognize that our enemy here is the same one against whom the peoples of the Three Continents are struggling in order to have a humane life.

International solidarity is what the ruling powers fear the most.GerPos75

We would like to discuss three more individual points from the statement by the guerrilla which must not be allowed to remain uncontradicted:

The first point concerns the collapse of those states which were known as “socialist”. The guerrilla foresees a “catastrophic development for millions of people across the world”. This statement should be made more precise: a catastrophic development for the people of Cuba or Vietnam (for example, in 1991 there were 1.1 million people infected with malaria in Vietnam and 4,500 died; previously the Soviet Union had provided free medical supplies). The material situation of several liberation movements has also been worsened. But, when the guerrilla write that everyone around the world struggling for freedom is now thrust back on their own resources”, that is simply not true. Even before 1989 it was clear that every country develops an anti-imperialist resistance based on its own unique conditions. Those people who are struggling just as hard in 1992 as they did
in 1985 or 1989 are proof that the notion that they are just dependent on the “socialist” states, and that they are just serving their ends, was just imperialist propaganda. The clarity of the confrontation (on the one side, imperialism, and on the other side, the people struggling for liberation) makes it possible for revolutionaries here and in the Three Continents to reach a new self-consciousness!

The second point has to do with the notion of “social prisoners” which the comrades used, without even defining just what “social” means. The prison system in Germany is a specific expression of the entire system which we are struggling against. We send our greetings to all prisoners in German prisons!

GerPos226The third point is as follows: The guerrilla write that “the question” is “whether or not German soldiers will once again march against other people”. The fact is, during the 33rd Commanders Conference in Leipzig, people like Ruehe [defence minister -trans.] and Naumann [military chief of staff – trans.] left no doubt that, in the long-term, they intend to send the German army on armed, Out-of-Area missions. The decisive factor in this is Germany’s role in NATO: New stationing agreements imply that Germany will remain a important station and base for global US imperialist interventions for the unforeseeable future. Even apart from this, Germany’s role is quite clear: At 6.5 billion dollars, Germany was one of the four biggest financiers of the Gulf War.

The differences between US and German imperialism were spelled out rather clearly in 1971 in “The Concept Of The Urban Guerrilla”: “While no less aggressive than American imperialism, it (German imperialism) is less easy to attack.”

At a conference of American publishers in New York, Kohl said: “We accept President Bush’s invitation to be ‘partners in leadership’.” The enemy has therefore given us a sufficient self- characterization.

Everywhere in the world, people are standing up and waging militant anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, anti-racist, and anti-patriarchal struggles against the system. From Los Angeles to Lima, from Durban to Qalqilia, from Cizre to Cagayan.

In Germany, militant actions are not only morally necessary, they are also politically useful!

Resistance means attack!

“But that’s who we are, that’s where we’re from: The blood of the processes of destruction and degradation in metropolitan society, the war of everyone against everyone, the GerPos232competition of everyone against everyone, the system, the law of fear, the pressure to succeed, all of this is what rules over us, for the one at the cost of the many, the division of people into men and women, young and old, healthy and unhealthy, foreigners and Germans, the struggles for prestige. And that’s where we’re from: The isolation of the row houses, the concrete jungles in the suburbs, the prison cells, the asylums and the clinics. From the brainwashing by the media, consumption, punishment through beatings, the ideology of non-violence; from depression, sickness, and the declassifying, insulting, and degrading of people, all exploited peoples under imperialism. Until we have satisfied the needs of each of us and the necessity of liberation from imperialism, there is nothing to lose in this system of destruction, and there is everything to gain in the armed struggle: collective liberation, life, humanity, identity. That the concerns of the people, the masses, the assembly line workers, the lumpen, the prisoners, the students, the lowest class of people here and the liberation movements of the Third World are our concerns, too. Our concern: armed, anti-imperialist struggle is the concern of the masses, and vice versa – even when it’s a long, slow process at first, the guerrilla’s military- political offensive can become a real people’s war. It can become real.”

(from the speech by Ulrike Meinhof about the liberation of Andreas Baader from Moabit Prison, 13.9.74)

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Anti-Imperialist Cell Communique  November 17, 1993

Statement Concerning The Attack On ‘Gesamtmetall’ In Cologne

“The meaning and content of our politics are part of our lives, an inseparable and existential unity, and that’s why we struggle for these.”SHPRAF1
(Brigitte Mohnhaupt, October 1993)

This evening, we had the second floor of Volksgartenstrasse 54a in Cologne in our sights and we shot at it. This is the offices of the Metal Union Employers Association ‘Gesamtmetall’.

The employers who belong to Gesamtmetall are part of the German elite who are directly responsible for determining the social reality of thousands of people both here and abroad. The cancellation of loan agreements in the West German sectors of the metal and electronics industry is a concrete example here of the global capitalist crisis.

Gesamtmetall is ready for anything, even strikes. In this present wage dispute, the employers are trying to find out just how much they can get away with here in Germany; for the workers, this means a decline in their social/material standards. Gesamtmetall has the following alternative options: They either take away jobs in their now accelerated restructuring process and deposit their capital in profitable funds, or they invest elsewhere. While some workers here are trying to figure out how to eventually resist this, at least regionally, Gesamtmetall has already been operating at the
international level: Capital is invested in places where maximum profit rates can be obtained. More and more workers are feeling uncertain and are frightened of being forced to a lower social status: The developments which have been forced by capitalism means that they will be discarded and, in some cases, they will face real material distress. Those workers here in Germany who wish to stop being treated in an arbitrary manner by the capitalist elite are a minority. But, in contrast to the union’s strategy, by which the workers are forced to collaborate with Gesamtmetall, the number of those beginning to resist is on the rise.

In answer to the question of how a counter-power from below can be developed here in Germany, these social questions are, of course, one national point of reference. Local resistance alone will never be able to become a real danger to international capital. The strategy of local extortion by organizations like Gesamtmetall can only be broken by an international anti- capitalist struggle. The international elite are responsible for the GerPos197brutality with which the human labour forces of the Three Continents are exploited. Our militant action against Gesamtmetall follows in logical consequence.

That which binds the anti-imperialist struggle internationally is the subjective radicalism which is militantly displayed in the struggle for liberation, self-determination, and self-organization.

We would like to say something to our Palestinian and Kurdish comrades, to whom we feel most closely bonded: We don’t know what Arafat was thinking when he signed the Gaza-Jehrico Agreement in Washington, D.C. on September 13, or when he took Rabin’s right hand and shook it firmly. We also don’t know about all the deals which were struck between the PLO leadership and the Zionist representatives. But what’s clear is that the resistance struggle will continue, in a variety of forms, and militant/armed actions will be a part of this. For this, the Palestinian comrades are counting on world-wide support. We cannot forget the support which was given to the anti-imperialist movement in West Germany in the 1970s. It’s about time that people here started finally thinking about how they can now give assistance to the GerPos398comrades in the Near East.

In the Turkish-occupied section of Kurdistan, the situation is escalating every day. The Turkish military have declared an “operation of destruction” for this winter. Because the movement of Kurdish militants continues to grow, the occupiers have resorted to using terror against the civilian population, as was recently the case in the city of Lice. It is well known that they are supported in this by the German government (arms sales, training of terror units by the GSG-9). Thousands of German tourists go on “holiday” every year in Turkey/Kurdistan, although they surely know that they are thereby directly supporting Turkish state terrorism. It is natural that Kurdish comrades are carrying out militant actions in Turkey. The fact that they are also an organized force in the middle of Germany as well was proven on June 24 and November 4 [when Kurdish militants carried out a series of organized attacks on Turkish banks, travel agencies, and diplomatic agencies in several cities across Europe, particularly in Germany – trans.].SHPRAF34RCW

Since October 8 and November 4, new trials have been opened in Frankfurt against Rolf-Clemens Wagner and Eva Haule, both of whom fought in the guerrilla and have been in prison for several years. Rolf was organized in the guerrilla at the time when, among other things, the action against Schleyer (head of the German employers’ association) was carried out in Cologne. In this new state witness trial, he is to be convicted of participation in the action against Haig (NATO commander). Eva was arrested during the anti-imperialist front offensive of the mid-80s. The level of confrontation from that period of time must be recreated now. To do that, we need militant/armed actions as a part of an overall strategy, one which is relevant to the SHPRAF34EHreality of the 90s.

Develop the politics of militant/armed intervention in Germany as a part of the international struggle for liberation!

Both here and internationally, the creation of a revolutionary counter-power results from, among other things, a direct confrontation with the ruling capitalist elite!

Attack the elite and their centres during social struggles, which also means: Make progress towards an anti-imperialist front here in Germany!

The important thing is, what type of politics are practiced and how they are materialized. That which was created by the guerrilla between 14.5.1970 and 1.4.1991 is the point of reference for our politics. The existence of an anti-imperialist guerrilla in Germany does not automatically follow from the fact that there are comrades living underground. We must continually struggle to make the guerrilla exist as an offensive political force. It should be the task of all comrades to draw self- determined consequences from that fact.

Militants from the anti-imperialist resistance in Germany November 1993

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Anti-Imperialist Cell Communique – June 5, 1994

Statement Concerning The Attack On The CDU Office In Dusseldorf

On the night of June 4/5, 1994, one week before the elections for the European parliament, we deposited four explosive devices behind the building complex at Kaiserswertherstrasse 93 in Dusseldorf. This building houses, among others, the offices kbutt4 (2)of the CDU [christian democratic party – trans.] in Dusseldorf as well as the CDU regional office for the ‘Bergischesland’ region (Solingen, Wuppertal, etc.). We chose this site because of the minimal risk to uninvolved persons. By means of this action, we want to start an open discussion concerning the CDU and the politics represented by this party.

Whether in Palestine or Kurdistan or Turkey, the German state, led by the CDU, is at war. Germany, as an important imperialist state, is on the side of the ruling powers in those areas. The struggle being carried out by militant comrades, who are not willing to accept the status quo, is a struggle for freedom and socialism.

“From now on, our stance against the PKK will be even tougher. The PKK should know that they cannot move freely anywhere now.”
– (Kanther, CDU, interior minister, March 20, 1994)

This statement from Kanther increased the resolve of two Kurds living in Mannheim, Nilgun Yildirim and Bedriye Tas, as they themselves stated, who burned themselves to kbutt2 (2)death in protest against the German state on March 21 (Newroz). In the statement they left behind, Nilgun and Bedriye make mention of German weapons sales to the ruling Demirel/Ciller [Turkish government leaders – trans.] clique. There has been a lot of debate recently concerning these weapons shipments, but the facts speak for themselves: Under the terms of three material aid agreements (1990-1994), 100 Leopard-1s, 300 BRT-60s, 30 Phantoms, 131 artillery systems, and 187 MTW M-113s have been delivered.

Between 1985-1991, the German state donated 256,000 Kalaschnikovs, 5,000 MGs, 100,000 tank shells, and 445 million rounds of ammunition. On April 7, the government enacted a temporary halt of arms shipments to Turkey, but this ban was lifted again on May 4. And this ban did not prevent the Dornier corporation from shipping 212 Stinger missiles on April 15. To make the military dimension by which the imperialist states arm their vassal allies perfectly clear, in 1993, the USA gave Turkey 932 tanks and Germany shipped an additional 85. In other words, in the space of one year, Turkey was given enough tanks to equal the total number presently possessed by Great Britain. At present, 500,000 soldiers GerPos52and 50,000 militias (so-called village guards) are stationed in 13 provinces (the state of emergency region) to carry out a war against the Kurdish liberation struggle. The war against militants there and the repression here are closely linked: On November 26, 1993, Kanther (CDU) “banned” the PKK and other Kurdish organizations; at the end of March alone, 547 Kurds were arrested in Germany; while chancellor Kohl (CDU)described the Kurdish Autobahn blockades as an “unbearable misuse of guest rights”, deportation orders were signed and carried out step by step. The raid by a police commando, including GSG-9 agents, in Saarbrucken last week is a clear sign of the course which is presently being followed. On March 7, after a trial lasting more than 4 years in the court bunker in Dusseldorf, a verdict was handed down: Both Kurds, Ali Aktas and Hasan Hayri Guller, were given life sentences. On April 12, a trial began in Munich against 13 Kurds who occupied the Turkish consulate on June 24, 1993. By means of this action, the Kurds had hoped to force Kohl (CDU) to publicly declare an end to weapons shipments to Turkey. The Kurdish militants have acted according to their conviction that “resistance is life – berxwedan jiyane”.

“Turkey is the only existing model of a democratic, free-market, Muslim state.”
(Lamers, CDU, parliamentary foreigner affairs spokesman)

DevSolGermany is also a party in the war against the Turkish communist resistance that has been waged since 1982. Already in 1983, Devrimci Sol was banned, and militants and activists that have sought political asylum in Germany have often been deported. In order to avoid being handed over to the fascist military junta (that seized power in a putsch on September 12, 1980), Cemal Altun, one of the founders of ‘Ankara Liseli Devrimci Genclik’, threw himself out of a window in a Berlin courthouse on August 30, 1983, and died later from his injuries.

“Deportations to Turkey are something that happen hundreds of times each year in Germany. It’s a normal part of our laws dealing with foreigners.”
– (Kanther, CDU, in parliament)

The BND [German intelligence agency – trans.] and the Turkish secret police (MIT) work devsol1 (2)in close cooperation, thus making the immediate arrest of deported persons at Turkish airports possible. And the MIT can even make “arrests” in Germany: For example, 4 Devrimci Sol militants were kidnapped in Germany and taken to Ankara in 1986. Torture in Turkish prisons has been well documented. And this torture continues in the courtroom: 7 Devrimci Sol prisoners were beaten up in a courtroom in Istanbul because a May 1st banner was unfurled; another 5 Devrimci Sol prisoners were beaten with clubs in the courtroom in Kayseri. The Turkish security forces, armed and trained by Germans, have shot and killed several Devrimci Sol militants during arrest operations over the past few years. We particularly want to make mention of the raid on a house on March 6, 1993, during which Bedri Yagan and Gurcan Ozgur, who made important contributions to the further development of communist resistance in Turkey, were killed.

Corporations like HDW, Thyssen, MTU, Krupp, MAN, Krauss Maffei, Heckler & Koch, Rohde-Schwarz, Dornier, and others make profits from arms sales to Turkey. In the devsol1 (3)political arena, it is the duty of the CDU to press forward with the interests of these corporations. On May 30, the federal government wrote a letter to the business group BDI, insuring them that restrictions on arms sales to countries outside of NATO would soon be eased. For a corporation like Daimler, who commented on the sale of Unimogs to the Sudan (where two million refugees are continually threatened with death through famine) with the words “the deal went through perfectly”, the common interests of major German corporations and the CDU politicians are solidified through personal contacts and consultations. For example, von Wartenberg (BDI executive) and Schoser (DIHT executive) are part of Kohl’s election team. Stihl, Necker, and Murmann make no secret of the fact that they hope that the government’s present course is further pushed through during the next legislative period.

The centralized command structure of the CDU and of economics in Germany makes it easier for party and corporation politics to be coordinated. The power-centre of the CDU is Kohl and his team of advisors, the so-called breakfast club (Ackermann, Bohl, Pfeiffer, Ludewig). The power-centre of the German economy is the 13-man executive board of the Deutsche Bank, to which more than 100 supervisory boards of the most important corporations are linked. The majors banks are well served by the politics of the CDU/CSU/FDP government. With profits of more than 2.2 billion DM, the Bank has more than enough reason to feel pleased (which is why the 50 million DM debt which Mr. Schneider had to write off is just “peanuts”, as he himself stated at a press conference).

Of course the major corporations, who are the backbone of Germany, don’t just support one party, but rather they finance the politics of all the major parties, CDU/CSU/FDP/SPD, who are actually little different from one another. For example, the biggest single contributors in 1992 (ca. 500,000 DM for each party) were: for the CDU it was the Daimler corporation, for the CSU [the Bavarian CDU – trans.] it was Bavarian metal industry, for the FDP [liberal party – trans.] it was the North Rhein-Westphalia metal industry, and for the SPD [social democratic party – trans.] it was also Daimler. But no matter how hard Scharping [SPD leader – trans.] tries to lure the wealthy to his side, the commanders of the economic sector share the neutral position of Kinkel [FDP leader – trans.]: “When the kbutt2 (3)SPD just presents itself as the CDU with a red veneer, why shouldn’t we just stick with the original?”

“As someone who was raised in the country, I can say that what you plant in the spring will be harvested in October.”
– (Kohl, CDU, in the garden of the Germany embassy to the Vatican, May 3, 1994)

Kohl bases his optimism [for the October 16/94 general election – trans.], with good reason, on the prognosis that the German economy will have expanded by 1.5% in 1994. In particular, foreign demands have led to increased profits. When, for example, the Bayer corporation reports “increasing profits, 2,000 jobs phased out”, the one enhances the other. Daimler stocks are now being traded on the Singapore market, the Dresdner Bank wants to open up branches in Mexico and Poland, etc. In other words, the international expansion of banks and corporations is continuing nicely. After having expanded into the ex-DDR (where 85% of all capital is in the hands of West German GerPos321corporations), Eastern Europe (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic) is the next region to move into. At the same time, 12 years of CDU rule have led to social polarization: At present there are 8 million people (including those in re-schooling programs) out of work, 2.2 million children live in poverty, and at least 2.5 million new homes are needed. Workplace reconstruction has led to the following: This year alone, 100,000 machinery jobs will be lost, as will 30,000 in the electronics industry and 23,000 in the steel industry, and so on. The CDU government is furthering these developments through it privatization program (another 35,000 railway jobs will be cut this year) and is expecting the number of unemployed to grow by at least 500,000 by the end of 1994. Around 60% of the population are worried about the present situation in Germany, particularly regarding uncertain employment, and a majority of the German population has a lot, on a global scale, to lose in all of this. The workers in the steel industry are, thanks to the situation with the corporation Eko-Stahl, getting first-hand experience at how big capitalists can eliminate an entire industrial region if they feel like it: In 1989, there were 11,000 jobs, now there are only 3,000. First Krupp refused to take the firm over, now Riva is also refusing. Ever since the CDU first came to power in Dusseldorf in 1949, nothing has changed in the way this party mobilizes large sectors of the population in the interest of the capitalist elite. Unlike the FDP, which openly characterizes itself as a party of the elite and thereby always gets at least 5% of the vote [the minimum required for GerPos46representation in parliament – trans.], the CDU is supposed to be a “people’s party” whose voter potential reaches well outside its own regular clientele (businessmen, self-employed persons).

“The facts surrounding the anti-terror action in Bad Kleinen have been cleared up, we introduced anti-crime legislation in 1994, we have worked out a concept for the BKA [federal crime bureau – trans.] and the BGS [federal border protection agency – trans.], the asylum-problem has improved, the violent PKK has been banned, and the program for internal security has been approved. That’s how I want to work.” – (Kanther, CDU, in an interview at the end of April)

To those people in Germany who have a lot to lose, and they are the majority, the CDU presents itself as a party of internal and external security. For internal matters, that means full prisons, more cops, more cops on the street, honourary cops, a lessening of the separation between the police and the intelligence agencies, etc. The new police bill introduced in Saxony, “the best and most modern one in all of Germany” (Kanther), calls for 14-day internment and eased restrictions on telephone tapping. Private guard and security services are the ones that profit most of all from all of this security hysteria: 280,000 of these security people are presently “protecting” cars, subways, airports, etc. External security politics for the CDU [“Safe into the future!” European election slogan – trans.] means not only developing the Eurofighter 2000, but also purchasing it for 102 million DM (Ruehe, CDU, wants 140 of these jets). The wall of security around the countries of the West European Union is a reality as of May 5 (cutting off Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and the three BalticGerPos308
states). Previous associations with Norway, Iceland, and Turkey are being re-evaluated. All is quiet for the time being, because there are not enough provisions for the 50,000 soldiers who will make up the quick-reaction force, which will intervene in actions like the one in Somalia, because “until now, these were designed for action in Central Europe and they are not adequate to meet the demands of, for example, desert regions.”

“We Germans are, at the present time, once again being made into a fated society.”
– (Herzog, CDU, German president, in a magazine interview)

Since 1979, the CDU has always been the party which has filled the office of federal president [a significant albeit ceremonial post – trans.]. Richard von Weizaecker (CDU) was especially esteemed by a majority of the German population. From 1958-1962, he was a banker in Dusseldorf and Essen before moving to the chemical corporation Boehringer in Ingelheim. Weizaecker was the number-two man in this corporation, which made its profits by selling dioxins to Dow Chemical for its Agent Orange production during the Vietnam War. At the same time (1964-1970), he was president of the “German Evangelical Church Days”. Because he was so apt at joining one thing to another, he was predestined for the post of German president. And this is just what he did from 1984-1994: For thousands of people across the globe, he praised the murderous imperialist business practices of the great power Germany in his polite and refined christian way of speaking. On May 25 of this year, Roman Herzog (CDU) was sworn in
as his successor in the Reichstag during a 2.5 million DM ceremony. Herzog’s career is closely tied to that of the Nazi Maunz, with whom he studied and with whom he issued the “Maunz-Duerig-Herzog” commentary on the German constitution. Maunz makes no GerPos293secret of the fact that he often gave judicial advice to the leader of the fascist DVU party, Frey. So it’s no surprise that Frey’s newspaper ‘Nationalzeitung’ wrote in 1982 that it’s impossible to imagine “a more honourable person than Dr. Herzog to serve at the head of Germany’s highest court”. In 1987, Herzog became head of Germany’s constitutional court, and even before his election as president, he stated in an interview with Focus magazine that he supports a form of politics which would have pleased his deceased friend Maunz. Focus: “The preamble of the German constitution speaks about the German people (“das Deutsche Volk”)…” Herzog: “The Weimar constitution phrased it even better: The German people, united in its roots… Those people that don’t wish to become German should be allowed an adequate amount of time to make up their minds. In the end, if they decide against taking up German citizenship, then we should say to them: We expect you to go back to that country which you consider to be your home.”

This Herzog-variation of “Foreigners out!” (“Auslaender raus!”) is to be seen against the backdrop of the development of CDU politics over the past 5 years: In 1989, the social polarization as a result of 7 years of CDU politics was extreme; while the so-called revolutionary left was more concerned with itself than it was with the development of a fundamental systemic anti-capitalist alternative, fascist groups shouted their racist “solution” to the problems of unemployment and a lack of housing: “Auslaender raus!” This fascist mobilization was successful: The Republikaner won 7.5% of the vote in Berlin in January 1989 and 7.1% during the European elections in June 1989. During their party conference in Bremen in September 1989, the CDU drew the necessary conclusions Instead of the solution offered by Lummer (CDU), who proposed a coalition with the Republikaner, a decision was made to make Republikaner voters feel at home in the CDU by forcing through anti-foreigner politics. Geissler was replaced as the party’s general secretary by Ruehe, and Ruehe got all the local CDU organizations to take up anti-immigrant policies step by step, thus clearing a path for the changing of Article 16 [the guaranteed right to asylum – trans.] in the German constitution. After November 9, 1989, the CDU made an offensive to present itself as a truly national party, thus leading to election success in the ecstatic year 1990. In 1992, camps were set up all across Germany where refugees were to be put during their first three months of residency. Ruehe’s GerPos281campaign was tremendously successful: He achieved a sort of division of labour between the racists on the streets (Hoyerswerda, Rostock, etc.) and CDU party politicians. By means of a self-fulfilling prophecy, “so that things don’t get even worse”, the CDU was able to abolish the right to asylum in Germany. It’s no surprise that the vote to change the constitution and the fascist firebombing in Solingen took place during the same week in May 1993.

“The present levels of immigration exceed that which a population can successfully integrate.”
– (Olderog, CDU, during the parliamentary debate regarding the racist pogrom in Magdeburg on May 12, 1994)

Since November 1, 1993, the CDU has pushed through another extremely racist piece of legislation, namely the “Refugee Service Law”. Now, refugees receive only 80% the level of subsistence welfare payments given out to Germans, and even this is paid out in the form of humiliating food packets or vouchers. The levels of deportations have greatly increased since Germany’s constitution was changed. The Berlin interior minister Heckelmann (CDU) reported a six-fold increase in January 1994. On May 1, the first step was taken towards Germany’s biggest-ever deportation action: 100,000 Croatian refugees are to be sent back home, a move which the Croatian government has used to justify its deportation of 200,000 Muslim refugees back to Bosnia.

“We Germans need to once again feel ourselves to be one nation.”
– (Schauble, CDU)

Schauble, the present leader of the CDU/CSU parliamentary fraction, is practically the number-two man in the party, and he is already preparing himself for the post-Kohl era. At the Berlin party conference in 1993, he gave a hint at its direction with his notions of a “protected and fated German society” and “our German fatherland”: The CDU as the party of German imperialism for the 1990s. The party delegates welcomed this SHPRAF35ideological direction, and they rewarded him with standing ovations. With this direction, Schauble is not only reaching out to Republikaner voters, but he is also securing an ideological course which will hold together the party’s own 700,000 members after Kohl is gone. Schauble accepted his position as key negotiator, first with the last DDR government (the reunification agreement) and then with the SPD (changing the asylum clause in the constitution). But he is not only a pragmatic power-politician, but rather he is also one of the few CDU leaders who can effectively articulate the party’s ideology.

That is made clear in his 256-page book ‘Und der Zukunft zugewandt’, which is a mixture of bland capitalist political demands (for example, more daily hours of machine production) and reactionary-fascist proposals (he writes that the German (!) family is the foundation of the German state, and he hopes to reverse the declining birth-rate of the German (!) population, something which he describes as an “active form of constitutional
protection” for the German state).SHPRAF36

Attack the CDU in those areas where the party has its decentralized bases of operation, the regional and local offices!

“Many different forms of armed actions and militancy will simply take place in various political and social confrontations. It doesn’t matter what the RAF or the prisoners say.”
– (Helmut Pohl, RAF-prisoner, August 1993)

Stop the state witness trial against Heidi Schulz which began on May 25!

Greetings and solidarity to Fatma, Mehmet, and Abidin!

We have nothing to lose.
Struggle together!

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Bomb Detonated In Front Of FDP Office In Bremen

Just one week before the “National Unity Fesitval” scheduled to be held in Bremen on October 3 to celebrate four years of German reunification, police detonated an explosive device which was discovered outside an office of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) in Bremen. The detonation blew out the windows of several surrounding buildings. The FDP party, headed by foreign affairs minister and former interior minister Klaus Kinkel, is the centrist coalition partner of German chancellor Helmut Kohl’s conservative CDU party.

The September 26 attack in Bremen was claimed by the Anti- Imperialist Resistance Cell “Nadia Shehadah”. In a seven-page communique delivered to the liberal newspaper taz, the Nadia Shehadah cell, which bombed a CDU office in Dusseldorf in June one week before the European elections, expressed solidarity with the RAF political prisoners collective as well as with the imprisoned anti-fascists in Berlin who are now on trial for the death of a leading neo-fascist figure back in 1992. The communique also spells out an extensive critique of the politics of the FDP, just as the June communique analyzed the politics of the CDU.

One day before the Bremen attack, on Sunday, September 25, a CDU building on the town of Siegburg was attacked. Four offices belonging to CDU politicians were destroyed by fire in the attack by the Nadia Shehadah cell.

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Anti-Imperialist Cell Threatens New Attacks

Bonn, Germany (AFP) – A left-wing extremist group with the name “Anti-Imperialist Cell” has threatened further attacks on the so-called “German elite”. In a four-page communique which was sent to the AFP news agency in Bonn, the group recalled the bombing attacks on the CDU party office in Dusseldorf, the FDP party office in Bremen, and the CDU party office in Siegburg in June and September. The group’s resistance is aimed at the “politics of the ruling party block CSU/CDU/FDP/Greens/SPD”, which rules over Germany by means of an “all-party coalition”. The attacks in Dusseldorf and Bremen were claimed in a communique by the “Anti-Imperialist Resistance Cell Nadia Shedahah”, which characterizes itself as a follow-up organization to the left-wing extremist Red Army Fraction (RAF). The Siegburg attack was claimed by a group with the name “Barbara Kistler”. In this latest text, the authors call on people to support the accused RAF-terrorist Birgit Hogefeld, who goes on trial in Frankfurt on November 15.

(Translated from the Bavarian daily newspaper Sueddeutsche Zeitung – Tuesday, November 8, 1994)

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Anti-Imperialist Cell Discussion Paper – Early November 1994

“The horrible realization was that we knew everything, yet did nothing, so things kept spiralling downward: each person, the group, ‘Stammheim’ the institution, guerrilla, SHPRAF15aillegality, apology. And now to see just how fucked up, dirty, and mean it is, and that the simplicity (on the one side) lies in once again recognizing oneself as a fighter, how it was, what you know about yourself, our methods, the level – to break through countless levels to arrive at ‘we’: reality as a fight – and certainly not a have/should have balance,…”
– (Ingrid Schubert, prisoner from the Red Army Fraction, November 21, 1976)

We have been struggling since April 22, 1992, for the creation of a militant anti-imperialist resistance in Germany. We want to contribute to the further development of a militant resistance in Germany, one which has its roots in the political content of the militant/armed struggle of the Red Army Fraction (May 14, 1970 – April 1, 1991). We don’t view militant resistance as something for the few, but rather as a matter for all those people who have not imprisoned their hearts and minds in resignation, depoliticization, and apathy. At the end of September/beginning of October in Bremen, it SHPRAF22was shown, despite preventive measures from the German state, that various comrades from the anti-national resistance could articulate militancy from a position of weakness. The “politics of needle pricks” of the militant resistance, which Bremen’s interior senator Nispen (FDP) mentioned, was a politically painful reality for the self-representation of the German state. We deposited explosive devices in early June (before the European elections) at the CDU office in Dusseldorf and at the end of September (before the German elections) at the FDP office in Bremen. We did this, because we think it’s important to have a militant exchange with the politics of the ruling party bloc CSU/CDU/FDP/Greens/SPD. In our communiques from both actions, we attempted to thematize the politics of the ruling CDU and FDP parties. The result of the parliamentary elections is that Germany will in future still be ruled by an all-party coalition, as was the case previously. The situation in the institution conglomerate parliament/upper house/mediation committee makes that clear.

“An extra-parliamentary opposition which wishes to enter parliament loses its own quality and becomes a force of the system which can perhaps overcome the 5% hurdle, but which cannot carry out extra-parliamentary politics on the basis of a theoretically-grounded strategy.”
– (Agnoli, late 1968)

It’s not even worth mentioning the fact that the BSA [Trotskyist splinter-party – trans.]and the MLPD [the biggest Marxist/Leninist splinter-party in Germany – trans.] are on the
election ballot. But we do consider the effects of the PDS [Party of Democratic Socialism; has 30 seats in the German parliament – trans.] to be problematic. This party, which has established itself as the third-largest political force in East Germany, has caused severalGerPos254 people who do not accept the ruling conditions in Germany to be fooled by the illusion that it is not necessary to self-consciously break through the boundaries for action set up
by the state in order to push through their demands against the satisfied majority of the German population. Even several West German leftists are fascinated by the PDS, which is grotesque when you consider the last 26 years of the history of the German left: The course of the ’68 movement could have taught us a lot about extra-parliamentary opposition. And then there’s the development of the Green Party: True, Fischer [parliamentary fraction leader of Buendis 90/The Greens – trans.] hasn’t yet been named as foreigner minister, but the “adaptation trip of these stuffy bourgeois fools”, as Jutta Ditfurth put it, will continue. If the German left does not draw any consequences from its history, then the further development of the resistance will certainly not be possible.

The task of leftists who define themselves as antagonists with regards to the German state is to concentrate on a consequential form of extra-parliamentary resistance politics in order to figure out how progress can be made on the path towards the self-organization of those people who, as a minority here in Germany, are interested in change. During the recent parliamentary elections, 19.3% of voters in West Germany and 26.3% in East Germany decided not to take part in the voting ritual. Leftists interested in becoming socially relevant should make an effort to understand the motives of these “non-voters”.

Even though the polit-cliques of the major political parties don’t like to talk about it, it still causes them to worry when, on June 26 for example, only 54.8% of eligible voters GerPos249took part in the state elections in Saxony-Anhalt. After the general elections in 1990, the CDU in Stuttgart hired Dr. Eilfort from Tuebingen to carry out “abstention research” to figure out the political motives of “non-voters”, and he described his findings as “shocking”: Approximately 80% of “non-voters” described themselves as politically interested, but they reject the ruling political parties. These people assume that “the politicians do what they want”, they are unhappy with their socio-economic situation, they can’t identify a real political alternative and hence they become apathetic. Eilfort concludes in his dissertation: “There seems to be a strong correlation between poverty and voter abstention: Those people who should be most interested in change take part the least in voting.” The relationship between voters and non-voters is, therefore, a reflection of the splits within German society in general. The following data from the so-called poverty conference also illustrate these splits: In 1992, 7.5% of people in the West and 14.8% of people in the East had to get by with an income which was less than half the average level in Germany. Approximately 2.2 million children in Germany live in poverty (1 out of every 7 children). The minority cannot push through its demands against the majority through “democratic” legal means. Here is where the responsibility of militant resistance politics comes in.

Other comrades attacked the CDU office in Siegburg at the end of September. This was the office of the CDU/CSU parliamentary fraction’s external affairs spokesman, Lamers. Lamers, together with Schaeuble [head of the CDU parliamentary fraction – trans.], presented a paper from the parliamentary fraction on September 1 with the seemingly harmless title “Thoughts On European Politics”. This 14-page document could be considered the fundamental strategy for making Germany into a world power. Lamers/Schaeuble assume that Germany is destined to become a superpower “because of its geographic location, its size, and its history”. A quasi-ultimatum is issued to France,GerPos246
together with the Benelux states, to force an integration of the so-called core of Europe, because otherwise Germany “might have to stabilize Eastern Europe on its own, with traditional means, on account of our own security interests”. At the end of Germany’s term as EU president during the upcoming summit meeting in Essen in December, a “development strategy” for the states of Eastern Europe will be presented, the goal of which is to expand the European Union to the east. Right now, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria are associated with the EU; agreements are now being prepared for the Baltic states and Slovenia. Germany has the biggest interest of all the EU-member nations of seeing the European Union expanded eastward: Germany controls more than 50% of all EU trade with Eastern Europe. Furthermore, Lumers/Schaeuble note that “the East is also an important arena for Germany’s foreign policy”, in other words, it’s a sort of front yard for military strategy. When Finland and Austria, and most likely Sweden and Norway as well, become EU-member states in January 1995, Germany’s role as the EU’s central power will be further strengthened.

In the Lamers-Schaeuble-paper, the relationship between Germany and France is described as the “core of the core”, with the Benelux states serving as filler; the EU commission’s future president, Santer (from Luxembourg), is a German/French puppet.Economically, Germany is dominant in the EU with its D-mark. It’s unlikely that Europe’s monetary union will go into effect on January 1, 1999, with the D-mark being dropped as the basis of predominance. Schaeuble/Lamers want Germany to advance, not only economically, but militarily/politically as well, to put Germany on the same level as the 5 permanent members of the UN Security Council. Therefore, Germany is willing to make a deal with France which will allow the French franc to gain from the D-mark’s
GerPos235stability in the monetary union, as long as France is willing to help Germany to become a military-political superpower. France is willing to accept this deal; when France takes over the EU presidency from Germany in January 1995, they will put forward a plan to develop a joint air force which can be deployed in international missions. To emphasize this new cooperation for the French population, on July 14, German tanks were allowed to roll down the Champs Elysees for the first time since 1945. It is known that France continues to intervene in Africa with the arrogance of a military superpower and a former colonial power.

When the French government recently invited the German armed forces to take part in the intervention in Zaire/Rwanda, even Ruehe [German defence minister – trans.] was surprised. Along with the EU’s expansion to the east and the taking in of 4 new
members, the EU summit in Essen will also deal with the issue of EU politics with regards to non-EU states in the Mediterranean. There are plans to discuss “EU association treaties to create a free-trade zone” which will stretch all the way from Morocco to Israel. A common security strategy with all of these nations will be strived after, with only the Jamahiriya excluded. “We can’t concern ourselves with reformist demands to the
institutions of the EU. The decisive factor must be our resistance…” wrote comrades preparing for the demonstration against the EU summit in Essen on November 12. A precondition to the resistance on this day is continuous content work with regards to EU politics. Back in 1982, the May Paper [from the RAF – trans.] discussed the significance of the developments in Western Europe. When comrades from the guerrilla thematized the politics of the Western European Union in their attack on
SHPRAF45Braunmuehl, this analysis had a rather singular character. A broad anti-EU discussion has thus far been lacking. Content work is made even more difficult by the fact that the institutional conglomerate of the EU apparatus is so hard to understand in its entirety. This can be confirmed by those people who have attempted to keep track of internal EU developments on such issues as the bioethics convention, patent standards, biotechnological discoveries, new food prescriptions, drinking water and pesticide guidelines, etc. On the other hand, there are facts which clearly illustrate the full inhuman extent of EU politics: While 786 million people are starving across the world, the EU bought up and destroyed 2.5 billion kilograms of fruit and vegetables in 1993/94. The world’s food production would be more than sufficient if things were distributed more justly; each person in the world could receive 2,500 calories per day, 150 more than are required for good nutrition.

“The fact is, if we don’t act now, a flood of refugees will overwhelm the states of Europe in the very near future. At the present time, there are approximately 100 million refugees in the world, fleeing for whatever reason. At least 10 million are seeking to enter the EU. Because of television, which broadcasts images of the high standard of living in the EU even to the furthest corner of Africa, the number of refugees seeking to enter the EU could swell as high as 20-30 million.”
– (state secretary Repnik, CDU)

The formation of the “European nation” (whatever that is), by means of which the fragmented metropolitan society will be held together, has bitter consequences for immigrants in the EU. In Germany, approximately 5,000 refugees are waiting to be deported. More and more of these are taking action to make their situation known to the public (for example in Bueren, Leverkusen, Kassel, and Berlin). The Nigerian refugee Kola Bankole did not survive his mistreatment in Frankfurt’s airport at the hands of the German federal border police (“biting protection” and sedative injections), and Tamil refugees drown in the Neisse river trying to enter German territory which is guarded by federal border troops – all of that is reality in this country. In France, repression minister Pasque is the main person responsible for state racism: Dark skin colour is enough of a reason for the police to terrorize migrants from Maghreb. Education minister Bayrou increased the racist mood in France with his decree issued on August 20. In Lille, for adFOURexample, the head of the Lycee Faidherbe refused to allow 18 young women to attend classes at the school. The reason: they were wearing Islamic head scarves.

“Our only right to resist them, their laws, the system and its conformism, to resist the state, to defend ourselves against this day-to-day exploitation and humiliation, is the right to revolt, to refuse, the right of emancipation, the right to speak out, to take up arms, to criticize, to organize ourselves, to struggle, to rise up and fight to the end, everywhere, without pause.”
– (Joelle, Nathalie, and Jean-Marc, imprisoned militants from Action Directe, May 2, 1994)

SHPRAF28Our politics will from now on be oriented towards making a militant/armed intervention in those places where the German elite have their workplaces and homes.

We call on all comrades to give solidarity and support to Birgit Hogefeld during her trial in Frankfurt.

Struggle Together!

Early November 1994
Anti-Imperialist Cell

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German Ex-Minister’s Home Bombed, No One Hurt

Hannover, Germany (Reuter – January 22, 1995) The home of a former German junior minister was bombed early on Sunday but he and his wife were out and no one was injured, the federal prosecutor’s office said.

A note claiming responsibility for the attack on the house of Volkmar Koehler in the northern town of Wolfsburg was found nearby.

Rolf Hannich, spokesman for the prosecutor’s office, said the note appeared to come from the Anti-Imperalist Cell (AIZ), a radical offshoot of the left-wing Red Army Faction (RAF) urban guerrilla group.

The explosion damaged the front door and windows of the house. A second bomb was found outside the house and was defused by police.

Hannich said the note referred to Koehler’s role in foreign aid policy. Koehler, 64, was a junior minister in the Development Ministry from 1982 to 1989.

The prosecutor’s office believes the group carried out two bombings last year -at a Duesseldorf office of Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and at an office of the Free Democrats, Kohl’s coalition partners, in Bremen.

The group is also believed to have carried out attacks since 1992 on Hamburg University’s law department and on the engineering industry employers’ federation Gesamtmetall. No one was hurt in the attacks.

A group signing itself “anti-imperialist resistance cell nadia shehadah” claimed responsibility in December 1993 for the Gesamtmetall attack. It called for the release of imprisoned RAF members and promised “selective attacks on individuals in politics and the economy.”

The group also criticised the RAF for seeking reconciliation with German authorities after a bloody 20-year campaign of kidnappings and assassinations against the establishment.

Authorities said at the time they believed the group could be composed of hard-core RAF members who disapproved of what they saw as its sell-out to the establishment.

Koehler is a former CDU member of parliament for Wolfsburg, He had also worked as a manager for carmaker Volkswagen, which is based in the town

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A Critique Of The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ)

During the heated general election campaign last year, we planted a bomb at the regional office of the christian democratic CDU party in Siegburg on September 24. SHPRAF40Among others, the CDU’s parliamentary foreign policy spokesperson Kurt Lamers and CDU general secretary Peter Hinze had offices there. The media falsely credited this action to the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ).

For this reason, we think it’s necessary to examine the politics of the AIZ and, on the basis of this critique, to start a discussion concerning the further-development of militant intervention. This paper is not just directed at the AIZ. We hope that we can contribute to the discussion of the goals of militant actions in the struggle of the radical-left towards socialism.

Although we initially considered the direction of the AIZ to be correct and therefore linked our struggle to theirs, both in terms of content as well as time period, we now realize that the AIZ would give different answers to several fundamental questions than
we would.

The AIZ disagreed with the RAF cease-fire of April 1992 and they see their own politics as the continuation of this old line.


We, on the other hand, see the break which was made by the RAF as the result of the past 20 years of politics. This break was an attempt to differentiate right from wrong, a method which is still a fundamental part of revolutionary development. The AIZ refuses to recognize this dead-end which the RAF had reached, as if there had never been any need to have a new beginning. Their actions are little more than just a cheap imitation of 20 years of armed experience. The RAF left lots of things open in terms of the further-development of their politics. They haven’t been able to fill in the gaps of their political content, but nor do they attempt to make up for their weakness, and the weakness of the left in general, by simply continuing on a path which has clearly failed.


Revolutionary Responsibility

“In order to create political pressure, we have consciously inserted a limited time and space of potentially lethal danger in those places where we carry out actions.” (AIZ 13.03.95)

Revolutionary responsibility means balancing the danger to those involved with the political effect. In this sense, those involved refers to anyone in positions of GerPos436responsibility at the target attacked. Danger to uninvolved persons must, in every case, be prevented. We reject a lack of scruples, the notion that “the ends justify the means”. In our opinion, targeted attacks against individuals, and that doesn’t just mean the potential danger caused by an action, are out of the question at the present time in Germany.

Anyone in Germany who militantly intervenes in social processes must take the responsibility for the political repercussions. A death, even of someone involved in carrying out the action, would destroy all attempts to bring militant politics from out of the confines of a small circle of people. The attacks in Bremen (on the office of the centrist FDP party) and in Wolfsburg (on the house of Volkmar Koehler, former Secretary of State and present chairman of the German-Moroccan Friendship
Society) entailed potentially fatal danger, even for uninvolved persons. If someone had been killed in those attacks, both the immediate price (a life) as well as the political price would not in any way have justified the political benefit (anchoring) of the actions.

Revolutionary responsibility means always examining the danger posed to uninvolved persons and coordinating the technical aspects of the action in relation to this danger. The AIZ have not done this, and they have arrived at a position which we cannot agree

The Attack On The House Of Volkmar Koehler

GerPos430We have the following criticisms of the attack on the house of Volkmar Koehler:

1. Inappropriate Means

A bomb can be a very useful tool for damaging the logistics of individuals, a corporation, a government office, etc. When placed in front of a house, this weapon merely becomes a symbol for a potentially deadly threat. Militant groups should reject this type of symbolic action because of the potential risk of killing uninvolved persons.

2. The Meaning Of The Attack

This attack had no meaning for people, neither in the general public nor within the radical-left. Nor will the action have any affect on the politics of the German-Moroccan Friendship Society, nor will it shed any public light on that group’s activities, at least not any more than what was written by the AIZ in their communique. Nor will the attack help strengthen progressive forces in Morocco.

3. The Communique And The Militant Action

The communique is a good research document on the situation in Morocco. It exposes the Friendship Society and its role in the Moroccan government’s war against the leftist opposition. But the communique fails to point out any possible perspectives for developments either here or in Morocco. The bomb exploded in a vacuum. The only effect it had, apart from damaging the house, was finding a broad readership for the communique. And by proclaiming a potentially deadly threat, the PR effect was increased even more.


In the Koehler communique, the AIZ make positive references to Khadaffi and the Islamic movement. Whereas political analyses can be made of the latter, we find it impossible to express any solidarity with the state of Libya. A purely anti-imperialist stance, such as Libya has, is not sufficient if this position is not also linked to the GerPos388fundamental principles of emancipatory politics. For example, when Khadaffi writes in his ‘Green Book’ that the role of women is defined by nature and that a “woman who neglects motherhood has forsaken her natural role in life”, this removes any possibility for solidarity.

Imperialism means the economic and cultural exploitation of vast portions of the world by highly industrialized states. This is a form of capitalist values being placed on entire continents. An anti-imperialist struggle which only seeks liberation from imperialist conditions is not necessarily a progressive struggle if it doesn’t also seek liberation from the exploitation and oppression of some people by other people. A part of this, of course, is liberation from patriarchal structures. We need to measure anti-imperialist movements and organizations on the basis of their emancipatory content in order to join our struggle with their struggle for worldwide liberation. Only in this way can our international solidarity be put into practice.

The Task Of Militant Groups In Germany

The present situation of the left is characterized by splintering and collapse. Most political initiatives don’t progress beyond subjective elements of liberation. They look at social reality here in Germany based on their own political development. Militant fighting groups are searching for new ways to break out of this social isolation.

A central question of revolutionary politics is the question of anchoring. This has to do with socialist perspectives which can provide an alternative to capitalism for broad GerPos352sectors of the population. We should make use of the gap between “those above who
do what they want” and those who say “what can I do about it?” in order to provide something positive for those people who want change. The objective weakness of the radical-left can only be changed through strong content and consistent politics in the
society, outside the confines of the scene-ghetto.

Groups who are concerned with the effects of the contemporary social order (neighbourhood groups, groups who work with the homeless and the unemployed, anti-racist groups, etc.) can provide the basis for revolutionary politics. If we can agree that different forms of struggle should relate to one another, then militant and armed initiatives have the potential to strengthen these movements and add pressure to their demands. They bring into question the omnipotence of capitalism and they can cause an objective material weakening of the logistics of the state while at the same time strengthening the radical movements.

The AIZ does not fulfil any of the criteria by which we measure revolutionary groups. For this reason, we suggest that they abandon their project.

Group Barbara Kistler
March 1995

(Barbara Kistler was a Swiss internationalist who was killed by the
Turkish army in Kurdistan.)

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Leftists Say They Bombed German Politician’s Home

Bonn, Germany (Reuter – April 24, 1995) A radical German left-wing group claimed responsibility on Monday for a weekend bomb attack on the home of a parliamentary deputy from Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU).

No one was hurt by the bomb, which was planted at the entrance of deputy Theo Blank’s house near the western city of Duesseldorf.

The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ), believed to be an offshoot of the Red Army Faction (RAF), said in a statement that it had attacked Blank because he belonged to the leadership of the CDU’s parliamentary group.

“Without potentially lethal actions the German Left will not be able to exert the pressure on the elite which is necessary in the international struggle between imperialism and those fighting for liberation”, the AIZ said in a six-page statement delivered to the German news agency DPA.

AIZ also accused Germany of supporting Turkey’s military operations against Kurdish separatists and of profiting from arms exports at the expense of the developing world.

The Federal Prosecutor’s Office said it believed the letter was genuine. It said it matched a note sent after the most recent incident which the AIZ has claimed reponsibility for – a bomb attack on the home of former junior minister Volkmar Koehler, also of the CDU, in the own of Wolfsburg in January.

The office says the AIZ carried out two bombings last year – at a Duesseldorf office of the CDU, and at a Bremen office of the Free Democrats, Kohl’s junior coalition partners.

The AIZ is also believed to have carried out attacks since 1992 on Hamburg University’s law department and on the engineering industry employers’ federation Gesamtmetall.

The authorities have said AIZ members could be hard-core RAF members who disapprove of what they see as its sell-out to the establishment in recent years.

The RAF was once known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang, named after founders Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof, which became notorious for a series of killings and kidnappings it carried out in the 1970s.

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German Politician Escapes Bomb Attack

Duesseldorf, Germany (Reuter – April 23, 1995) A German politician and his family escaped injury when a bomb, believed by police to have been planted by left-wing extremists, exploded outside his home on Sunday.

Police said the blast caused about $44,000 worth of damage to Christian Democrat (CDU) MP Theo Blank’s home near Duesseldorf.

Federal Prosecutor’s Office spokesman Rolf Hannich said Blank’s wife had heard a whistling noise early on Sunday morning and discovered a package near the entrance to their house.

Blank, his wife and son escaped through the rear of the house before the bomb exploded. No-one was injured in the blast.

The attack comes just days after police sealed off German Chancellor Helmut Kohl’s Bonn office on Thursday after finding a suspicious package outside.

The package, destroyed in a controlled explosion, turned out to contain a brake cylinder.

Earlier this month the Federal Prosecutor’s Office said it was opening a terrorist investigation after police discovered a van loaded with 120 kg (260 pounds) of explosives parked near a Berlin prison.

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Warning! The Following Is Another Article About The Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ)

In Interim #327, the Group Barbara Kistler presented a discussion paper about the Anti-GerPos244Imperialist Cell (AIZ). We are also working on such a paper and plan to publish it in the near future. This preliminary statement is a result of some comments made by Group Barbara Kistler. In short, what they wrote disturbed us so much that we couldn’t wait until our paper was finished.

We’re not really sure what Group BK hoped to prove by publishing such a paper. The paper was written in such a harsh style and showed no solidarity whatsoever, and some of the accusations made are way out of line when you look at what is actually stated in AIZ communiques.

The praxis and political orientation of the AIZ have been dealt with so superficially that all previous analyses are very suspect to us. In our opinion, the discussion papers of the AIZ have a high degree of political value. It is urgently necessary that all people interested in the further development and reorientation of revolutionary politics in Germany concern themselves with the AIZ. This text from us is our contribution to
that process.

Group BK wrote: “The AIZ could not accept the RAF cease-fire of April 1992 and their politics are a continuation of this old line.” This statement is completely false. As early as their first discussion paper (22.5.92), the AIZ wrote:” We want to learn from the GerPos34theoretical/practical experiences of the guerrilla (that also means learning from their mistakes) and contribute to the further development of militant politics in this country.”

The notion that they are simply sticking to the RAF’s old line (up to April 1992) tells us that either you never read any of the AIZ’s papers or that you wish to consciously misrepresent the politics of the AIZ in order to discredit them. Even you all cannot deny the fact that the AIZ are one of the few groups right now in Germany seeking to propagate a reorientation of militant politics. As for analyzing the old politics of the RAF, the AIZ have already given us something productive to read (see their communique from 8.7.94).

We also find it impossible to see how you can justify your negative comments concerning the AIZ action against Kohler, for example by dismissing the action by stating that the GerPos35potential for loss of life also applied to uninvolved persons. Sure, anywhere a bomb goes off or a molotov gets tossed danger can never be theoretically entirely eliminated since chance occurrences can result in uninvolved persons being harmed. Even with very careful planning, human beings cannot rule out bad luck. Even with your own action when a CDU office went up in flames, maybe someone (like a burglar, for instance) could have been inside at the time. Or maybe the cops in Berlin could have found the device which was designed to blow up the new deportation prison just at the exact moment it went off. As far as that action was concerned, these cops would have counted as “uninvolved persons” since they weren’t the target of the attack. But let’s forget about such useless and absurd speculations. It’s clear to everyone that actions should be planned in such a way that uninvolved persons are not harmed. But we can never fully rule out coincidences. We think the AIZ fulfilled these necessary criteria during their actions.

The next point we’d like to discuss is the segment of your text under the subheading “Solidarity”. You make it clear that it is impossible for you to be in solidarity with Libya. To justify this, you pull out quotations from Muammar Al-Khaddafi’s Green Book as proof of his non-emancipatory politics. This is further evidence of your superficial and casual approach to analysis. The damning of everything which doesn’t fit in with GerPos38Autonome notions of PC is characteristic of the present times. The fact is, however, that the Great Socialist Libyan-Arab People’s Jamahiriya is the last clearly anti-imperialist state in the world. The Libyan people have developed a truly unique form of base democracy. The organs of popular power from the bottom (people’s referendums) to the top (general people’s congresses) are built on the principle of the reversed pyramid. The second element which is designed to guarantee the unperverted implementation of this popular power is the imperative mandate. This means that Libya has no system of representatives, rather delegates only come together when people’s congresses are convened. The illiteracy rate, which stood at 90% when Libya gained its independence in 1969, has sunk to less than 40% today, and school enrollment figures are presently higher than 90%. There are no slums, each family owns a home. Health care in Libya is free, a fact which has risen the life expectancy from 37 in 1969 to 60 today. Furthermore, the Jamahiriya is the only Arab country where all people are guaranteed a minimum income and a level of social security which is comparable to international standards. As for the role of women in Libyan society, Karam Khella wrote the following in the newspaper Al Karamah: “Libya is one of the only Arab or Islamic countries in which the traditional role of women has been surpassed in quick steps. In educational labor, and decision-making structures (people’s congresses), the number of women is continually rising. The mobilization of women has been a tremendous service to the Libyan revolution. From this, it can be seen that the praxis of women has gone well beyond the boundaries described in the third GerPos39volume of the Green Book.”

Of course it’s clear that Libya is still a male-dominated society. But our point, in contrast to that of Group BK, is as follows: Especially now (with UN sanctions in place because of
Libya’s refusal to hand over two Lockerbie bombing suspects) the Jamahiriya is in a situation where they need support. The aggressors know that a land invasion of Libya would be a suicidal tactic. Because, under the motto “All weapons, wealth, and power in the hands of the people! The people armed shall never be defeated!”, ever since 1980 a policy of arming all Libyan citizens has been in place. So, the imperialist nations, especially the USA, have chosen other means, such as cowardly air attacks and sanctions, to destroy the Jamahiriya. The defeat of the Jamahiriya would be a heavy blow to all progressive anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist forces in the Arab region. So, let’s be active! Let’s not abandon them in their struggle against U.S. imperialism! The UN sanctions must be ended! (A good book about the Jamahiriya is “Libya In The Crosshairs” (Libya im fadenkreuz) by Ingrid Schnurbusch.)

In closing, we’d like to comment on Group BK’s call for the AIZ to disband. The Anti-Imperialist Cell is one of the only revolutionary militant groups in this country. Critiques of their content and praxis are certainly needed. But it’s also important to give each GerPos40other solidarity. Demands that the AIZ cease to exist are counter-productive and seem similar to the methods of counter-insurgency. That’s all for now.

In honorable memory of Siegfried Hausner of the “Holger Meins Commando” who was murdered during the RAF’s occupation of the German embassy in Stockholm 20 years ago.

We will win!

The Fruits of Rage (Die Erben des Zorns)

“There are different places, but there is only one front – fight imperialism, everywhere!”

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Another Critique Of The AIZ

Dear Anti-Imperialist Cell!

You all are doing a load of crap!

GerPos51Most people on the left, those people you are trying to reach, either don’t understand your activities, or they reject them. The same is true for us, the editorial collective of ‘Agitare Bene’.

Let’s start with your internationalist political stance. You have interesting analyses of the politics of the FDP in Bremen (which are representative of their politics at the federal level) and the role of Germany and the UN in Magreb.

But that’s about it. We have fundamental problems with the way you carried out your last few actions, specifically the attacks on the homes of politicians Kohler and Blank. We haven’t read your communique for the action against Blank in Erkrath yet, but that’s not important as far as our critique is concerned.

A fundamental criteria for revolutionary actions is that those people who carry them out have things under control from start to finish so that all possible accidents are excluded. This is essential in order to prevent uninvolved persons from being hurt, something which would allow the other side to turn the action around and use it in its own favor.

You all were very irresponsible in your last actions which were aimed at the homes of politicians located in residential areas. As for the warning siren which you used in Erkrath, it’s unclear whether this actually scared people away or in fact drew curious people towards it.

And your formula of potentially “deadly threats” just adds to this. We think that this scarcely political position is just your attempt to escape having any sort of responsibility. Surely you all must know whether you want to kill someone or not (and why). Your formula seems to us to be something like, “oh well, let’s just do it and see what happens”. The revolutionary left in Germany can be glad that there were no injured family members or neighbours in Erkrath. Particularly in the aftermath of the Oklahoma massacre, the ruling classes could have utilized that to launch a massive campaign of repression against the left.GerPos75

The superficiality of your praxis is reflected in other ways as well. When you set a barricade on fire outside the home of the parents of a GSG-9 commando, who was the target of the action but who didn’t actually live at the home which was targeted, you had
good intentions, but little else. So you shouldn’t be surprised if your actions are difficult to convey to people. Many people think that you all will simply accept anything that happens, just so long as your analysis is correct. Which brings us back to Erkrath.

We think you all need to have a fundamental discussion about what you are doing and how you are doing it. Because of the high standards which you aim at and the intensity level of the confrontation which you desire, you all have a level of responsibility which goes far beyond just yourselves.


Agitare Bene
May 1995

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Guerrillas Say They Bombed German Office Over Peru

Bonn, Germany (Reuter – December 27, 1995) A guerrilla organisation calling itself the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ) said on Wednesday it bombed a Duesseldorf office block four days ago to highlight what it said was the plight of the majority of Peruvian people.

The blast, early on Saturday morning, shattered windows in a building housing the Peruvian consulate. No-one was injured.

In a 23-page statement sent to news agencies, AIZ said it planted the bomb to draw attention to conditions in which Peruvians lived. It warned of more “fatal” attacks to come. “With the explosives, which we put in the main entrace of a building…which houses the Peruvian Consulate, we highlight the situation of the majority of people in Peru,” it said.

In a statement written in a mixture of German, English, and Spanish, AIZ expressed solidarity with Peru’s clandestine Maoist guerrilla organisation, “Shining Path.” It criticised the German government for pursuing what it said were imperialist policies in Latin America and for promoting a “military-civilian dictatorship” in Peru. The group said it planned further “potentially fatal” action with revolutionaries inspired by Islam to fight imperialism.

The statement was signed “Action Khaled Kelkal” after an Algerian shot dead by French police on suspicion of having carried out a bomb attack in Paris in September. German prosecutors said they could not say yet whether the letter was genuine, but they said it looked similar to previous statements sent in the name of AIZ.

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Germany Issues Arrest Warrants For Guerrillas

Bonn, Germany (Reuter – February 27, 1996) A German court has issued arrest warrants for two suspected bombers from the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ), a shadowy guerrilla group blamed for recent attacks on politicians, the federal prosecutor said on Tuesday.

The two men were detained late on Sunday near Hamburg.

If police suspicions are confirmed, the detentions would be the first significant strike against the AIZ, which has claimed responsibility for a series of bomb attacks on the homes of second-tier politicians over the last year.

The prosecutor’s office said in a statement the two men, – identified only as Bernhard F, 28 years old, and Michael S, 29 years old – were suspected of attempted murder, membership in a terrorist organisation and of planting bombs.

The two were suspected of having bombed the Peruvian honorary consulate in Duesseldorf in December in an explosion that caused damage but no injuries.

The prosecutor’s statement said the two men were sighted driving near the consulate before the attack and in the area shortly thereafter.

They were later seen in the university town of Goettingen, from where a letter was sent claiming responsibility for the attack, it said.

The men were also suspected of having buried 3.5 kilos (7.7 lbs) of gunpowder near Berlin this month and of having unearthed it on Sunday. They were seized later that day.

The AIZ depicts itself as a successor to the Red Army Faction, once known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang, which waged war on the German establishment with kidnappings and assassinations in the 1970s and 1980s.

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There Are Many Ways To Express Leftist
Politics – One Of Them Is Solidarity!”
Some Thoughts About The Anti-Imperialist Cell

Bernhard and Michael have been in prison since the end of February. They are accused of being members of the “Anti-Imperialist Cell” (AIZ). The police and the federal GerPos1prosecutor’s office are claiming to have finally captured some members of the AIZ. So far, we have neither heard nor read very much in the way of solidarity. With this text, we would like to offer a few thoughts for discussion and call for solidarity against the repression apparatus.

We aren’t going to speculate about whether or not the two men in question are actually members of the AIZ. We have no idea, and we are going to assume that the official statements which have been made regarding this matter are full of lies as usual.
What we do know is that both men have been active in the autonomist and anti-imperialist scenes for years now. We have been shocked by the non-reaction of the left-radical movement since their arrest. Over the last few weeks, the Interim hasn’t bothered to print anything about this incident. We feel that the arrest of two comrades who have been active in similar projects that the rest of us have worked on over the past several years is reason enough to demonstrate solidarity. A non-reaction only supports the cops, because it means going along with the cops’ claim that both men were part of the AIZ – for our part, we are always skeptical of official explanations.

Bernhard and Michael were part of the campaign against Shell, and both were jailed for one year because of this. They have struggled for the freedom of political prisoners, theyGerPos11
campaigned against militarism and fascism, and both traveled regularly to Berlin for the revolutionary May 1st demos. Both, like many others, were victims of the June 13, 1995 raids against Radikal, KOMITEE, and the AIZ. A typical, West German autonomist
resume. Our development was very similar in almost every way. The very fact alone that these two guys worked on similar projects as many other people who are facing criminalization makes it a scandal in our minds that both have been sitting in prison without anyone showing them the smallest bit of solidarity. Solidarity has two components: one personal and one political. It is essential that politically active people be able to rely upon support in the event that they become victims of state repression. If this fundamental security does not exist, then in principle there is also no basis for resistance. That’s why we feel it’s very important to support these two people. Politically, solidarity is a means of struggle. Since we know full well that the state will seek to repress all forms of fundamental opposition, we need to create conditions where opposition can exist and at the same time win some ground against prison conditions and create some publicity around political themes. Such a form of solidarity need not be defensive in nature.

At the present time in Germany, all forms of leftist, militant (not necessarily violent) GerPos13resistance are being heavily repressed. In addition to the AIZ, there is the campaign against the editors of Radikal, the investigations against comrades in Frankfurt, Saarbrucken, and Wiesbaden because of the state informant Steinmetz, and the charges to be tried against alleged members of Autonome Antifa (M) in Gottingen; smaller AA/BO groups are also being investigated, albeit at a “lower level”. Militant groups have always faced repression, and it’s obvious that the cops aren’t just gonna let people plant bombs in front of the homes of members of parliament. (We haven’t mentioned the
repression against Kurdish comrades at this point because this fits into a different category.) Nonetheless, it seems that the state security apparatus has recently felt that it now has the chance to get a grip on all clandestinely organized left-wing opposition. The RAF’s statement in 1992 concerning their end to fatal attacks and the announcements of dissolution from several RZ groups and the virtual disbanding of that organization signalled the de facto end of all structures which had operated up until that time. Nothing had been heard from the Rote Zora [This is partially inaccurate as Rote Zora has carried out 2 actions in the last two years and released communiques for both. They also wrote and distributed a long history and self-critique called “Mili’s Tanz auf dem Eis” in December 1993 – ATS.] since the wave of repression in 1987. A lot of this had to do with the end of the East-West conflict and the increasing uncertainty and defensiveness on the left. The trials against Monika Haas, Johannes Weinrich, and Birgit Hogefeld are all about “revenge” and “wiping out the remnants”. What remains of the left has less points of orientation from which to develop militant, conspiratory politics. The cops know this as well. For those who continue to try, it has become much harder to act.GerPos14

At this point, we’d like to comment on the notion that militancy today can only have a reformist rather than a revolutionary character. The times when militant, clandestine
groups represented a break with the capitalist system are over. What’s left are reformist actions: against Nazis, atomic waste transports, the wealthy, etc. They’re little more than an effective way of distributing leaflets, and although they exert a different form of pressure that legal actions, they have little antagonistic character. (A similar development can be seen in other European countries as well, with the exception of groups who have more of a national liberation character such as ETA or the IRA.) Maybe that’s why groups like the AIZ seem so anachronistic, because they are based on a point orientation which most people no longer have any hope in, and they don’t alter their praxis because they think that vanguard actions will somehow advance the movement.

What the AIZ are doing is trying to replace a lack of political strength with excessive radicalism. We think it’s great when comrades are willing to put all their strength into
GerPos44something – that’s lacking in much of the autonome scene. The texts of both the AIZ as well as KOMITEE seem to speak of this. Such considerations aren’t new to us, but we have tried to balance this with reality and we have come to the conclusion that there’s little point in carrying out isolated actions. The praxis of the AIZ is a paradox: They seek to mobilize, but all they do is generate criticism. From this they draw the conclusion that
they need to become even more distant in their praxis, and yet they still seek to orient themselves to the left-radical scene. But it would make more sense for them to publish their statements in publications which deal with Islamic resistance rather that in the Interim.

We would like to discuss these points some more, because we think its important to understand attempts at revolutionary politics and to learn from them. There are two important things to keep in mind when evaluating militant groups: Where are they
coming from and what do they want. The AIZ see themselves as leftists who have come out of the anti-imperialist resistance, but they have chosen a path which many people fully reject and no longer consider progressive. We would be glad to know how all this came about. How did this separation come into being? It’s rather strange that a militant group could exist without any supporters, no scene which discusses its politics, nothing at all. In addition to being a criticism of the AIZ, that’s also indicative of the present situation on the left: The core of leftist politics must remain an understanding with GerPos16others, the common search for liberation. We don’t think it’s a coincidence that such a development has happened at a time when the left is very weak. For this reason, we think that we all share the common responsibility to further develop leftist theory and praxis so that we can all struggle together. That’s why we show solidarity, as well as offer criticism. As for Bernhard and Michael, they must be released! We can only discuss their ideas and the praxis which they support when we are all together on the outside. We refused to sit around and talk about who what where when and why the cops have locked them up, just as we refused to do so for the Kaindl defendants, the Antifa (M), the Radikal suspects, and all others!

We haven’t said that much about the theory and praxis of the AIZ, because we felt it was more important to stress our solidarity, and also because several critiques of the AIZ have already been printed. We will publish our own sometime in the future, focussing primarily on the AIZ’s concept of the imperialism vs. Islam, because we believe that this is tending to replace the old antagonism of imperialism vs. socialism.

Struggle Together!

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from Interim #368 – March 21, 1996)

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Alleged AIZ Members Still Not Charged As Solidarity Slowly Builds

Michael S. and Bernhard F. have been in prison since February 26, 1996 for alleged membership in the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ). According to the Federal Prosecutor’s GerPos21Office (BAW) formal charges against the two men have still not been filed. The
investigations are set to last for some time yet. It seems that the media circus surrounding the arrest (complete with an anti-bomb robotic device) suggested more evidence at hand than was actually the case. For example, still unexplained is the
contradiction between police claims that the two men were under surveillance during the time of the attack on the Peruvian consulate in Dusseldorf by means of a homing device in their car and the fact that they then managed to shake off the tail.

Both men are accused of membership in a terrorist organization (Paragraph 129a) as well as attempted murder and the use of explosives. According Michael’s lawyer, Ursula Erhard, both men are being held in isolation, one in Lubeck and the other in Cologne-Ossendorf.

The leftist scene remained hesitant following the arrests in February. The autonomist weekly “Interim” completely ignored the arrests for several weeks. The reason for the group’s isolation from the scene are critiques of the AIZ, especially the group’s outdated anti-imperialism and open support for Islamic fundamentalism. Many people even wonder if the AIZ are “leftist” and those arrested “comrades”. But since then, solidarity groups and anti-repression committees have called for the unconditional release of the two men, who to this point have not commented on the claims that they are AIZ members. “Not showing solidarity with Berhard and Michael simply because they are accused of membership in the controversial group AIZ means believing all the lies of the BAW”, stated the Anti-Repression Group in Aachen.GerPos32

A similar argument has been put forward by the Solidarity Group in Hamburg, which has formulated a “general notion of solidarity” which “offers support and protection for all comrades who face state repression and destruction”. The Solidarity Plenum in Lubeck has also called for the “immediate release of Michael and Bernhard”. The two prisoners are now being included in solidarity leaflets concerning the wave of police raids on June 13, 1995.

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from Junge Welt, April 13/14, 1996)

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Partial Admission In AIZ Trial

So There Were Only Two Of Them After All…

Everyone involved in the trial was taken by surprise. State’s attorney Heike Beck-Klein immediately reached for her pen. Defense attorneys rubbed their eyes and likewise tried to take down the statement word for word. The five judges in the State Supreme Court in Dusseldorf sat up in their comfortable chairs.

GerPos33Bernhard Falk, who is on trial together with Michael Steinau charged with membership in the Anti-Imperialist Cells (AIZ) and attempted murder, stared in disbelief at his former schoolmate. Although Steinau had previously refused to make any statements with regards to the charges against him, the former physics student now said: “I admit to carrying out the attack.”

The trial against Bernhard Falk and Michael Steinau has been going on for the past ten months in Dusseldorf, Germany. The two are accused of a total of six bombings which were carried out in 1994 and 1995 and which were claimed by the AIZ. Steinau, 31-years-old, has been in custody since February 1996. He took the stand after the Christian Democrat (CDU) Member of Parliament Paul Breuer. Breuer, whose house was attacked in September 1995, testified as a witness and said the attack had “put the lives of innocent people in danger”.

Steinau, who, like Falk, has converted to Islam, replied to Breuer that “the paths of their lives had crossed”. He admitted: “I am jointly responsible for the attack on your house, and I took part as a member of the AIZ.” Before this statement, much to Breuer’s dislike, the accused gave a lengthy statement on the topic of Christianity and Islam.

When the wife of the MP took the stand and described the attack, the former-autonomist, now a Muslim, interrupted: “Without me, this attack could not have taken place.” But GerPos29today he no longer supports the goals of the Anti-Imperialist Cells. “That was a mistake, he said.

Falk, on the other hand, has up until now described the trial as a “construction”. His lawyers have tried in recent weeks to have him released from custody due to a lack of evidence in the trial. In support of this application to the court, Falk, who has been in prison for 30 months already, started a hungerstrike. Steinau’s confession does not yet constitute a turning point in the AIZ trial. The state is still seeking life terms for both
men. But now, as before, it’s still not clear who actually belonged to the AIZ. The isolated AIZ, which began to identify itself with radical Islam and which was always a controversial group among the radical-left, is considered to be an exaggerated phenomenon by many people. Since the arrest of Falk and Steinau, the group has not been heard of.

In the past, Germany’s intelligence agency speculated that there could be as many as four dozen activists in the group. Now the state is simply trying to find a mysterious “third man” to meet the legal requirements for a “terrorist organization” [under German law, a criminal organization must have at least three members]. At least one supporter of the group has come forward so far: Michael Steinau.

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from ‘jungle World’ #38 – September
16, 1998)

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Update On The AIZ Trial In Germany;
Six Months In Prison For Witness Who Refused To Testify In The
“AIZ Trial”

GerPos43Since November 1997, Bernhard Falk and Michael Steinau have been on trial at the State Supreme Court in Dusseldorf, Germany on charges of violating Article 129a, “forming a terrorist organization”, namely the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ). They are also charged with participation in several bomb attacks. A prosecution witness from the North Rhine Westphalia state intelligence agency, Mr. Duren, told a tale to the court that the
former Aachen Anti-Repression Group was a front for the AIZ. He accused three women of being AIZ members, and he accused other members of the Aachen Anti-Repression Group of complicity in AIZ actions. He also accused people in other cities of being “contact persons” for the AIZ.

At the beginning of March of this year, Judge Ottmar Breidling called seven witnesses toGerPos65 the trial, including Frank Ament, who had moved from Hamburg to Berlin. Frank called in sick and did not attend the court session. He was called again to testify on March 23. Frank did not go, so he was fined 400 DM and sentenced to four days in jail. On April 11, 1999, he was arrested at his home in Berlin and taken by force to Dusseldorf. In the courtroom, he stood with his back turned to the judge and did not respond to any of the questions which were put to him. The court sentenced him to one week in jail for his conduct, and ordered him to testify on April 20. But the judge, noting Frank’s “political motives” in refusing to testify, ordered that Frank be held for six months and pay a fine of 800 DM.

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…  in Germany, after the dissolution of the RAF and RZs, a number of clandestine organizations carried on with armed actions … groups such as Klasse Gegen Klasse,  Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E. and Das K.O.L.L.E.C.T.I.V.E were all active  during the mid-1990s as part of the clandestine militant branch of the revolutionary left and Arm The Spirit did translate communiques from all these groups … below are some of the communiques / critiques/ analysis from a few of these groups as well as info on the repression that followed …

… in response to the armed actions of these groups, in 1995 the German state conducted a series of raids aimed at left radical structures and aimed at the activists considered responsible for these actions.

… the clandestine magazine Radikal (a major source of information for Arm The Spirit, in fact, a fair bit of the material below came from Radikal) and it’s editors were particularly targeted. Radikal was, as ATS put it: a paper “by and for the autonomous left” which hasGerPos44 bee consistently published in Germany since the 1970s. Since being banned under Germany’s repressive anti-leftist laws, the magazine has been published clandestinely. Topics in the magazine include political prisoners, communiques and discussions from and about armed struggle organizations, historical analyses of patriarchy and fascism, updates on anti-fascist activity in Germany, critiques of and solidarity with the PKK and the Kurdish national liberation struggle…and usually some “practical” tips, such as how to safely use computers for political work and what devices can best hinder the rail transport of nuclear waste, etc.”

… one of the clandestine organizations mentioned in the pieces below, the Anti-Imperialist Cells, will get their own blog entry shortly …


Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E / brief history

K.O.M.I.T.E.E Attack Foiled In Berlin / June 1995

Das K.O.L.L.E.K.T.I.V. Communique / June 1995

komitee4K.O.M.I.T.E.E Communique / November 1994

Das K.O.L.L.E.K.T.I.V. Communique / July 1995

“Close Doesn’t Count…” K.O.M.I.T.E.E. Communique Concerning The Failed Attack In Berlin- Gruenau /  September 1995

Letter From K.O.M.I.T.E.E. / 1995

Klasse Gegen Klasse Communique / August 1995

Bombs In Support Of Demonstrations: “Klasse gegen Klasse” Claims Responsibility For Recent Arson And Bomb Attacks / March 1996

Stay Radikal / Summer 1995

Germany: Militant Actions For Mumia

Column #266 — Written 16 December 1995 – RE: RADIKAL, WHEN THE STATE SILENCES @1995 by Mumia Abu-Jamal

Interim Meets Radikal: Interview With Radikal And Interim


Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E

… a bit of a history of Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E … from a solidarity pamphlet put out by comrades in support of Bernhard Heidbreder who was arrested in Venezuela in 2014 for the armed actions of Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E …

The group ‘Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.’ developed out of the radical left. Their first campaign was komsolipam1 (2)an arson attack on a building of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr) in Bad Freienwalde on October 27th, 1994. The context was the criticism of the German political position towards the Kurdish liberation struggles. Germany was supporting the Turkish war against the Kurds by exporting weapons and prohibiting the organization of the PKK within Germany. The campaign by ‘Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.’ was aimed against the repressively biased position of the German state towards the Kurdish liberation struggles: Germany is “party to the genocide in Kurdistan (…) – in military, economic and
political regard”.

The intended attack on the building of the new deportation camp/prison Berlin-Grünau about six months later was part of a protest against the German isolation and deportation politics against refugees from all over the world. In the early 90ies the political climate was shaped by the so-called asylum-debate, which fostered and fueled racist attacks on refugees. In August 1992 these racist attacks reached a climax in a pogrom against refugees and Vietnamese contract workers in Rostock-Lichtenhagen, lasting several days.

In 1993 this social climate led to a change in the German constitution which undermined the fundamental right to asylum to a degree where it was basically abolished. For years resistance against these racist attacks and the German isolation and deportation politics has been carried out by a wide variety of political groups, from church congregations to militant resistance.komsolipam2 (2)

In April 1995 the K.O.M.I.T.E.E. wanted to do more than just undertake symbolic acts. Their aim was to destroy a building which was being reconstructed to become a deportation camp for refugees. Unfortunately the detonation of the building did not occur. Based on indications, Bernhard, Thomas and Peter have been accused of being members of the group K.O.M.I.T.E.E.

In September 1995 the group disbanded. The topics which were addressed by the group are still current: even though today the Kurds are the critical factor in the democratization process in the Middle East, the PKK is still illegal in Germany and the repressive politics against Kurdish people continue. According to the UNHCR the brutal isolation policies against refugees have caused an estimated 23.000 deaths and disappearances since the year 2000 along the EU external borders.


K.O.M.I.T.E.E. Attack Foiled In Berlin

On April 10/95, police foiled an attempted attack by four militants against a newly constructed deportation prison in the Grunau section of Berlin. A total of 120kg ofkomitee1 explosives had been disguised as fire extinguishers and were designed to destroy the new prison before it could be opened. However, ever since the spectacular RAF commando attack which completely destroyed a new high-tech prison in Weiterstadt in March of 1993, German authorities have greatly increased their surveillance of prison construction sights.

Although police foiled the attack, all four persons were able to flee. Since then, however, one woman (Beate) has been arrested, but three men (Bernhard, Thomas, and Peter) are still on the run. All three were active in the autonomist scene in the Kreuzberg section of Berlin, according to police. During the foiled attack, police also claim to have found the communique for the action, signed by a group called “Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.”. This group had previously carried out an attack on an komitee3abandoned army barracks in Bad Freienwalde in East Germany in November of 1994. This action, which caused 200,000 DM in damage, was done in solidarity with the Kurdish national liberation struggle and to protest German arms sales to Turkey.

Below is the communique from an action against the company responsible for building the deportation prison in Berlin-Grunau. If we receive any updates about the Grunau incident, we will publish them. In the meantime, however, we send greetings of solidarity to the three comrades still on the run.

– Arm The Spirit, June 95


Das K.O.L.L.E.K.T.I.V.

Terrorists Are Those People Who Build Deportation Prisons, Not
Those That Blow Them Up!

Stop The German State’s Racist Asylum And Deportation Policies!

On the night of Wednesday/Thursday, June 7/8, 1995, we detonated several containers full of flammable mixtures under three vehicles belonging to the ALLROUND GerPos126construction firm, because they are involved in the construction of the deportation prison in Grunau and therefore are partly responsible for the deportation of countless refugees and immigrants to regions of war, crisis, and poverty. This company earns money by constructing a place where people will be caged up for weeks, just for exercising their right to demand their fair share of the world’s wealth.

For refugees, deportation doesn’t just mean poverty and sorrow, but also torture, prison, and death.

On Monday, 22.5.95, a Kurdish woman named Havva Koc was deported from Berlin-Schonefeld to Istanbul, where she was immediately arrested by plainclothes police. Her present whereabouts are unknown.

As of June 12, the moratorium on the deportation of Kurds will be lifted. In Kurdistan, the Turkish military has been waging war for years, not just against armed ERNK units of the PKK, but also against the Kurdish civilian population and all those who strive for independence. According to the 1994 annual report of the Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD), more than 2,000 villages have been destroyed, writers and journalists were sentenced to a total of some 500-600 years in prison, more than 100 unions, parties, associations, and organizations were banned, and more than 100 publications were confiscated or forced to close down (Ozgur Gundem, Ozgur Ulke, etc.).GerPos102

Through its weapons sales to NATO partner Turkey, Germany is a party in this dirty war: first send in weapons to fight against the Kurds, earns lots of money in the process, and then send back all those who flee from this war. The German state is responsible or this cycle of death!

“Today, some two years after the right to asylum (Art. 16 GG) was practically abolished politicians celebrating the 50th anniversary of the defeat of fascism speak of peace and reconciliation. But such words are meaningless, as Roma peoples are being deported to Romania where today they still face persecution, discrimination, and pogroms. They speak of peace, and yet people are still being shipped back to the former Yugoslavia: deserters, who, through their decision to avoid military service, are actively resisting the war, raped women, elderly people, sick and mistreated children. (…) Threatened expansion and tightening of laws regulating asylum seekers, overflowing deportation prisons, the accompaniment of so- called security personnel from the refugee’s home country to assist in the deportation process, and the planned “chip card”, which would record an asylum seeker’s every move – all of this shows that the interior ministers’ racist repertoire is still replete.”

(from a leaflet for the demonstration against the Interior
Ministers’ Conference in Berlin, May 1995)

GerPos108We demand that all refugees and immigrants be given the right to stay here. Not only because Germany, through its imperialist policies in the Three Continents (the so-called Third World), has created the root causes of flight (poverty, war, etc.), but also because we envision a society where it doesn’t matter in the least whether someone is green, black, white, or purple, whether they have a passport from this or that country, whether they speak one language or the other. We don’t give a shit about any of these things! Everyone has the right to live here. Period!

On 7.5.95, 2,000 people took part in a demonstration in the Westphalian city of Buren sponsored by more than 40 refugee groups and organizations against the deportation prison located in that city. “This prison in Buren, which holds 600 people, is exemplary of the legal, state practice of German racism”, according to one speaker at the demo.

On 18.5.95, another 2,000 people demonstrated against the Interior Ministers’ Conference in Berlin to protest the deportation of refugees.

Today, no one can claim that they weren’t aware of things. The division of labor is clear. Some people pass racist laws, others transport refugees like freight, and still others build deportation prisons – like the ALLROUND firm!

The prison in Grunau, when it’s finished, will hold 400 people. Unfortunately, the planned attack by K.O.M.I.T.E.E. was foiled by the cops at the last minute.GerPos397

When right becomes wrong, resistance is a must! And when words go unheard, the language of violence must be spoken!

Open borders for all!

Solidarity with the Kurdish liberation struggle!

We wish Bernhard, Thomas, and Peter lots of fun, strength, and love as they run from the cops! You can live and struggle anywhere!

For the immediate release of Beate K.! And, of course, for Mumia Abu-Jamal!

Greetings of solidarity to Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.!

Bye for now, until the next time,

Das K.O.L.L.E.K.T.I.V.
Berlin, June 7/8, 1995


K.O.M.I.T.E.E. Statement Concerning The Attack In Bad Freienwalde
November 1994

“I can’t really hold Turkey responsible; we all know about Turkey, the whole world knows about Turkey. One Kurdish proverb states: ‘Expect the worst from your enemy so that you won’t be disappointed.’ But the German authorities, who claim to be defender of human rights, these people I blame. They are just as guilty of murdering Mesut as the Turkish soldiers themselves are. What have we done to them? Why do they do such things to us? The Germans also murdered my son. They must be held responsible. I call on the public to see to it that my son’s death is punished. Please, tell the people there to stop them from sending weapons here, because we are being tortured and killed by these weapons.”

– statement from the mother of Mesut Dunder, who was killed on 23.9.92 by a German tank, to the German public

On 27.10.94, we destroyed the barracks of the Verteidigungskriegskommando 852 in Bad Freienwalde in Markisch Oberland with an incendiary device.

Germany Is A Partner In The Genocidal War In Kurdistan: Militarily, Economically, And Politically!

“Turkey, because of its strategic position on NATO’s southeastern flank, used to be the GerPos391cornerstone of our security. Today, because of the developments in the southern regions of the former Soviet Union as well as in other countries in the Near and Middle East, Turkey is even more important. A democratic and stable Turkey can play an important role in this region’s relationship to Europe. (…) Our military aid is the continuation of agreements made by previous German governments and is of particular importance for the Atlantic Alliance.”

– Helmut Kohl during the parliamentary debate on 2.4.94, where a central issue was the lifting of the limited arms embargo against Turkey

The above statement clearly spells out Germany’s role in the war in Kurdistan. Turkey is the power charged with keeping regional stability, after having won for itself the reputation at the international level of being the only power in the area which can be trusted. Following a NATO meeting Brussels in January 1994, at a trilateral foreign ministers conference in Ankara between Germany, Great Britain, and Turkey, Foreign Minister Kinkel proclaimed Turkey’s “strategic importance” in Europe’s new security structure because of its proximity to Asia (taz, 21.1.94). In other words, what had previously been a bulwark against Bolshevik expansionism would now buffer the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the Near East, while at the same time preventing Russia from exerting excess pressure on the new republics in the Caucasus and Asia. Turkey’s final role has to do with the so-called “Turk states” (Azerbaijan, Kazakstan, Cirgesia Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) which are granted to be “natural” spheres of influence for Turkey on account of the fact that they are all “brother states with common historical and cultural ties”. The first step towards realizing the hegemony of this region was the agreement signed with these Turk republics in Istanbul on 19.10.94 which foresees “increasing political and cultural relations”.GerPos393

It is this geopolitical status which Turkey enjoys which is costing Kurds their lives every day. This function which Turkey exercises in the region is the reason why genocide can be carried out with impunity with the approval and support of Western states. Higher interests must take priority. Germany is the most significant pillar of support which Ankara enjoys. Turkey’s 3,000-man anti-terror unit, the “Black Beetles”, known for its killer mentality, is trained by the Germany’s own anti-terrorist elite, the GSG-9. Each year, Turkish “students” are educated at the Bundeswehr’s officers academy and at various police training facilities.

Turkey is the largest customer of the world’s second largest arms exporter, Germany. Arms exports from Germany to Turkey totalled 6.3 billion DM from 1964-94. The “NATO defence aid” which Turkey receives, enough to equip an entire army, is virtually free. GerPos331And this doesn’t include the cheap credits for arms purchases and other “regular” deals which Turkey enters into. The “NATO defence aid” which Turkey was granted in a 1964 NATO decision will finally expire at the end of 1994. In addition to the deal for 68 million DM of arms from 1992-94, a report from the Foreign Ministry has noted that Turkey recently received an additional 1.5 billion DM in other materials from Bonn. This included the free delivery of former NVA army weapons from the former East Germany. The total amount of arms gifts given to Turkey since 1989 makes the real dimension of this transaction clear. Here are just a few examples: 30 fighter jets, 170 Leopard-1 battle tanks, 300 BTR-60PB (East German) armoured tanks, 537 M-113 armoured tanks, 1,000 air-to-air rockets, 5,000 tank shells, RPG-7s (East German) with 200,000 grenades, more than 300,000 Kalaschnikov machine pistols (East German), and 175,000 gas masks.

In addition to military aid to Turkey, the German government would also like to conclude a comprehensive private business deal: In a Finance Ministry report to Parliament, it was announced that talks were underway between the Turkish Defence Ministry and various German corporations. These talks concerned the “delivery of 115 trailers for transporting tanks” and 10 multi-use helicopters. Bonn is hoping to secure a deal worth 120.7 million DM. Negotiations with the Turkish Defence Ministry concern deliveries worth a total of 1.8 billion DM (ND, 21.9.94).GerPos430

Just because the NATO program will expire in 1995 doesn’t mean that the arms shipments will cease. On the contrary, “private” deals between German multi-national arms corporations like Siemens, the Daimler-Benz firms AEG, Dornier, MBB, MTU, and others, deals which are easier to hide from the public, will continue. Dornier delivered Stinger air defence systems, DASA sold Phantom fighter jets. The Leopard-1 tanks were specially fitted for Turkey by the Kraus-Maffai corporation. German grenades fired from Leopard-1 tanks were discovered after the destruction of the Kurdish city of Sirnak in mid-August 1992. The Kurd Mesut Dunder was dragged to death in Lice behind a German BTR-60 tank. The ca. 40,000 “village guards”, lackeys in the service of the Turkish “security forces”, are usually armed with G3 guns made by the firm Heckler & Koch. The 300,000 Kalaschnikov machine pistols found their way into the hands of the secret police and the “special teams” operating in Kurdistan, men who are paid per kill. The Foreign Ministry lied for a long time about the deployment of German weapons against the Kurdish civilian population. Later, when the facts could no longer be denied, the government simply stated that no agreements had been violated. Evidence of the arms deployment led to a brief arms embargo this spring. But that was just a sham. According a NATO decision arrived at in Rome in 1991, the security of a member state could also be affected by terrorism and sabotage, thereby making the domestic deployment of NATO weaponry permissible.

According to this NATO doctrine: “The security of the Alliance must be viewed in a global GerPos429context. The security interests of the Alliance can be affected by other risks…such as the disruption of necessary resources by means of terrorism or sabotage.” That’s how the Turkish government can justify its military actions in Turkish Kurdistan. The deployment of German weapons are just part of a “fight against terrorists”, in full accordance with NATO guidelines. According to Foreign Ministry spokesman Hans Schumacher, the German government has “full understanding” for this argument. During his visit to Turkey in July 1993, the Bundeswehr’s General Inspector Klaus Naumann, after meetings with Turkish Chief of Staff Dogan Gures and Defence Minister Nevzat Ayaz, stated that the use of German weapons in Kurdistan was “fully legitimate given the present conditions”.

It is the massive amount of German arms shipments to Turkey which has made it possible for the Turkish army to massacre the Kurdish people. In the past two years, 1,500 Kurdish villages have been destroyed and 4 million Kurds have become refugees. In August 1994, it also become known that Kurdish refugees were being detained in concentration camps where they were tortured and sometimes murdered.

Without the political, economic, and military support of Germany, Turkey would not be able to carry out its genocide against the Kurds. Without exaggerating, it is fair to say that Germany is just as important for Turkey today as the USA used to be for Vietnam and Central America. In September, a new wave of destruction was launched by the Turkish military. In the last four weeks alone, 30 villages in the Dersim region wereGerPos389
depopulated and destroyed. The forests in the Dersim region have been continually bombarded from the air and set on fire since August. According to the newspaper ‘Ozgur Ulke’, this method of burning forests and villages has been dubbed “Operation Rome” by the Turkish military in reference to Emperor Nero’s destruction of Rome. As soldiers involved in the operation have told to the newspaper, this destruction is just the first phase of a plan designed to eliminate another 150 villages and settlements in the Dersim region.

Germany is the long-arm of Turkey’s counter-insurgency in Western Europe! Or, in the words of Klaus Kinkel, “We cannot abandon our friends in a difficult situation!”

The smear campaigns against Kurds living here has reached a new level of intensity. For years, Kurds have been criminalized here, subject to persecution, arrest, and deportation. Through trials against alleged PKK members under Article 129a in the Dusseldorf PKK Trial in 1986 and the banning of the PKK and 42 other Kurdish organizations in 1993, Germany has opened up a second front against the Kurdish liberation movement in Europe. Germany is the major power in the European Union and has taken a leading role in defeating Kurdish organizations (following Germany, other EU states like France have also banned Kurdish organizations). Germany, on its own territory as well, has become an essential partner of the Turkish military and the GerPos392political system dependent on it.

In September 1993, during a state visit by Turkish Prime Minister Tansu Ciller to Bonn, definite plans were made to ban the PKK in Germany. The armed actions by the PKK in Germany just a few weeks later were just an excuse for the ban, not its actual reason. Germany thereby took up Turkey’s call to “fight against terrorism”. Following the PKK ban, “Thank you, Helmut!” was the main headline in the Turkish press.

On 19.07.94, Turkish Chief of Staff Dogan Gures, main coordinator of the war against the Kurds, was received with full military honors and spent four days with Bundeswehr General Inspector Klaus Naumann. According to ministerial reports, several high-level meetings took place and Gures visited several military facilities in Germany. At the end of July 1994, Gures told the Turkish daily ‘Hurriyet’ that the “necessary contacts” with European states had been made in order to stop the PKK. According to him, German Defence Minister Volker Ruhe said he was “confident” that criminals from the ranks of the PKK would be deported to Turkey.

Since the banning of the PKK and all Kurdish cultural organizations associated with it, all Kurdish gatherings and demonstrations are banned, even protests against actions by the Turkish “security forces” in Kurdistan are massively criminalized, and demonstrations which are held are brutally attacked by the police. State sponsored hate campaigns in the media have created the necessary pogrom mentality against the Kurds. The climax of GerPos398this was the murder of Halim Dener, who was shot by a cop for hanging posters in Hannover.

Kurds living in Germany have practically no right to freedom of expression or freedom of assembly. This virtual state of emergency against one social group is also a warning to other oppositional forces in Germany which could experience the same in the future. Kurds who have been arrested during protests and demonstrations, some of whom are now on hungerstrike, are threatened with rejected asylum claims and possible deportation. “It is unacceptable that violent foreigners abuse our hospitality and make Germany a battlefield for their civil war”, stated one German politician after the Autobahn blockades. The deportation of Kurds to Turkey, especially if the individual was involved in the Kurdish liberation struggle, can mean torture and death.

We chose a Bundeswehr facility as a target for our action because it is representative of Germany’s active support for the Turkish “security forces”, and it is representative of Germany’s foreign and domestic policies with respect to the Kurdish liberation struggle. Especially now, when there is a debate going on concerning the possible deployment of Bundeswehr troops abroad as part of UN or other missions, the German military needs to be the focus of more attention. During the Gulf War, German soldiers were actually GerPos431stationed in North Kurdistan in late-1990. Future deployments as part of NATO missions in Kurdistan cannot be ruled out. German foreign policy has created the necessary instruments for direct military engagement and these will be utilized. This development must be resisted.

Immediately stop all military, economic, and political cooperation with Turkey!

Boycott Turkish tourism!

Repeal the ban against Kurdish parties and associations!

A right to stay for all refugees!

Solidarity with the Kurdish political prisoners in German prisons who have been on hungerstrike since 10.8.94!

Support the Kurdish liberation struggle!

Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.

(Translated from Radikal 12/94)




Communique – July 1995

Terrorists are the ones who build deportation prisons, not the
people who blow them up

Stop the German state’s racist asylum and deportation policies!

On the night of Thursday/Friday, July 20/21, we tossed several containers full of flammable mixtures into the depot of the firm Kuthe Arnold Bauges mbH & Co. in GerPos125Eisnerstrasse and we hope that lots of their equipment went up in flames. The firm Kuthe, just like the Allround corporation whom we visited last month, is involved in the construction of the new deportation prison in Berlin-Grunau and is therefore partially
responsible for the imprisonment of thousands of refugees and their eventual deportation back to war, torture, prison, poverty, and death.

The deportation prison in Grunau will, when it’s completed, have 400 beds. The only “crime” of the people to be detained there for weeks and months on end is the fact that they fled to Germany to seek refuge from hunger, war, torture, distress, rape, GerPos128persecution, and so on. These facts are all well known by now. But still, KUTHE and ALLROUND have no scruples about being part of this murderous project. We hope that the material damage we have caused them will eat into the bloody profits they are making by helping to construct the prison in Grunau.

KUTHE and ALLROUND have several other depots in Berlin, just waiting for flaming visits. For information purposes only, here are their addresses:

KUTHE: Brunsbuttler Damm 120 and Egelpfuhl 44 in Spandau, as well
as the depot in the Eisnerstrasse.

ALLROUND: Grenzallee 44 in Neukolln and Niebuhrstrasse 72 in

Ideally, we’d love to see the deportation prison itself blown to bits, but sadly that plan was foiled. Once again, we extend our solidarity to the K.O.M.I.T.E.E.!!radikal

Open borders for all!!!

Solidarity with the Kurdish liberation struggle!!!

Many greetings and good luck to Berhard, Thomas, and Peter!!! For the immediate release of Werner, Ralf, Rainer, Andreas, Ulf, and, of course, Mumia Abu-Jamal!!!

Read and be ‘Radikal’!!!

Goodbye, see you soon…

Das K:O:L:L:E:K:T:I:V:

Berlin, July 1995


“Close Doesn’t Count…”

K.O.M.I.T.E.E. Communique Concerning The Failed Attack In Berlin-

After the failed attack on the newly-constructed deportation prison in Berlin-Gruenau on GerPos160April 11, 1995, we weren’t sure if we’d release any more statements. Considering the charges being brought against some people and all the uncertainties surrounding
everything, we weren’t sure if words from us would just lead to the cops making more arrests. It seemed best to as at first to hold off from giving any account of what happened and to see how those affected would react given the situation. But now we have decided
that we cannot delay any longer and that we must release a statement to limit as far as possible the political damage. We won’t, however, give a detailed account of what happened that night, that’s up to the individuals themselves to comment on if they want to. We don’t think everyone out there needs to know all the details in order to discuss the politics of our action and act in solidarity with those accused.

The point of this text is to look at the serious errors we made, to point these out, and to reflect on them in a self-critical manner, especially so that others can learn from what we did wrong.

These errors made led to non-participants being brought into association with our action.

We have drawn the necessary lessons from our mistakes: We are ending our project called “Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.”. The motivation for announcing this publicly stems from the political orientation of our project and our responsibility to left-radical politics in general.

But before we start, we would like to explain why we started our project of carrying out militant attacks and give a resume of our politics up to now.

Our Project: Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.

Since the end of the 1980s and even more so in the 1990s, the radical-left lost more and more of its social relevance from year to year, as the praxis and content became GerPos63increasingly distant from radical positions. As long as there was a common strength, at the militant level as well, we didn’t think it was necessary to always appear on the scene under the same name.

As the left began to retreat and the continuity of discussions began to lapse, and as the foundations of common action which had been worked out began to collapse, we decided it was necessary to constitute ourselves as a group in the context of having continuity and openly-stated politics.

We assumed that contributions and interventions by groups whose name has become associated with a certain praxis and political orientation were given greater attention within the left, their statements are read and studied more, more so than groups with no obvious continuity. We hoped over the course of time to have a positive influence within the leftist scene and to help establish certain points of orientation.

We were well aware of the fact that such an approach carries with it certain responsibilities and precision. False estimations of the political situation, a lack of clarity in political discussion, and reproducing out-dated or false political starting points were all things which we had to be careful to avoid, especially since we hoped to offer some sort of orientation for the left.

Why Militant Politics?

Considering the status of discussion within the radical left, the silence and refusal to take GerPos83a stand, we think it’s necessary for us to explain why we decided upon militant politics in a period of relatively little movement. We’re always hearing the argument that, after the decline of the left-radical movement, just “keeping going” is pointless, but these people don’t seem to realize that revolutionary politics here as always been on the margins for the last few decades and never possessed a realistic strategy for overthrowing the conditions.

Effective militant praxis is not enough to break through the left’s external lack of credibility and internal adaptation and lack of courage. Radical critiques of the present conditions of hierarchy, oppression, and exploitation which do not seek out, utilize, and discover all forms of resistance will sooner or later lose faith in themselves. To stick with our example: A left which, correctly, states that it is a crime to construct and operate deportation prisons, but which does not seek out all possible ways of stopping such construction and operation, loses its perspective and has defeat in its own mind right from the beginning. Our method, if it had been successful, would not have been the only gesture and certainly wouldn’t have been the best, but it would have been a lot better than all the complaints about the impossibility of leftist politics in an increasingly right-wing society.

We don’t think that the left will develop a comprehensive perspective out of feelings of helplessness and the loss of its methods of struggle, rather it should try to draw strength from trying to close the gap between thoughts and deeds, even in bad times. With our name and our praxis, we wanted to make propaganda for the possibilities of direct intervention and attack, possibilities which are open to everyone who is not satisfied with injustice and oppression.GerPos87

We aren’t saying militant politics is the only way to go in today’s society, but we definitely think it was wrong to put all praxis on ice until we could look for the exactly right strategy. We think further development can only take place in the context of a process of reflection and action. Learning by doing. And someday when the conditions are better, when fundamental critiques of the system are in a broader social acceptance, then it will be damn important to be able to look back on a history where we didn’t give
up the fight, even during times of adaptation to fundamental mainstream positions.

Last but not least, there is also a moral aspect to radical politics: Even if we can’t point out the magic solution to everything, we don’t want to just sit back and look around and try to sort out our own cozy place on dry land.

Our Praxis

We didn’t want to limit our content to just one theme. We thought about carrying out actions in various sectors, like attacks on fascist organizations, the rise of fascism in the society, sexist roll-back, cutbacks on social spending, and so on.

Initially, we oriented our work towards the liberation struggle of the Kurdish people. The important thing was for us, a German leftist group, to act. We saw it as a sign of the bankruptcy of the left that so many radical groups did nothing at all. Some justified this with understandable critiques of the politics of the PKK. But criticisms of the PKK are no justification for a lack of solidarity as far as we’re concerned. We saw the German state GerPos330as the most important partner in Turkey’s war of genocide against the Kurds, as we saw it as the duty of the German left to break through their lethargy and actively oppose German policy.

Germany is a party to the genocide in Kurdistan – militarily, economically, politically – and is the most trusted partner of the Turkish military, as well as the long arm of counter-insurgency against the Kurdish resistance in Europe.

This has not changed.

We wanted to push this theme within the left by carrying out a series of attacks on German institutions responsible for the war in Kurdistan.

The First Step: The Army Barracks In Bad Freienwalde

The first target of our campaign was the October 27, 1994 attack on the Defence Commando 852 barracks of the federal army in Bad Freienwalde in the Markische Oberland area of the former East Germany. We destroyed the barracks with a firebomb attack. In our communique, we wrote: “We chose this piece of army property because it is illustrative of the cooperation and active support which exists between the German army and the Turkish ‘security forces’, as well as of the foreign and domestic policies of Germany which are directed against the Kurdish liberation struggle.”

Our communique gave a detailed description of the cooperation which exists between the German state and the regime in Turkey. We don’t need to repeat all of that in this text. We also discussed the criminalization of Kurds in Germany and cited that as one
significant element of the cooperation between the two governments. Potentially, our action could have helped focus more attention on Germany’s own army. True, the development of Germany’s foreign policy has not been hard to predict. Particularly after the most development in the Balkans, the first Germany military deployment since the end of World War Two, the German armed forces need to be placed under greater scrutiny.

All in all, our first attack was a symbolic action, but there was a great deal of media attention given to it because of the context of solidarity with the Kurdish liberation GerPos65struggle and the continuing smear-campaigns against the PKK. Therefore, one of our goals, to act as German leftists in solidarity with the Kurdish liberation struggle, was displayed widely in the open.

On The Way To Our Second Strike…

The German state will continue its attempts to break Kurdish resistance in Germany to the genocide in Kurdistan and to exert great repression.

Mass deportations are a guarantee of “domestic security” and are at the core of imperialist refugee policies!

The cynical, continuously repeating debates about lifting the ban on deporting Kurds, initially limited to those portrayed to the public as “criminals” who have abused their “guest rights” here in Germany, soon gets conveniently applied to all Kurds. Those who
have pushed this line the hardest are Minister Kanther (federal interior minister), Beckstein (Bunzlauerstrasse 23, 90473 Nuremberg, Bavaria), Eggert (Saxony), and Heckelmann (Berlin).

Deportation into misery, torture, and death, hanging over the heads of Kurds like Damocles’ sword, that should make the Kurds here peaceful. And that’s necessary to preserve the economic and hegemonic interests of the German state.

In addition to the Kurds, other refugee groups are affected as well. So the mass deportations of war refugees and deserters from ex-Yugoslavia has begun. The deportation agreement with Vietnam. The “return” of Vietnamese nationals as a precursor to economic assistance.

Large-scale deportations have to be planned. That requires an adequate capacity of GerPos255deportation detention facilities, since most refugees don’t leave of their free will.

To serve this need, a former East German women’s prison in Berlin-Gruenau has been converted. With an extra 400 beds, Berlin’s deportation detention capacity will be more than doubled. The efficient concentration of the entire deportation process at Schoenefeld Airport and makes deportations as easy as an assembly- line and makes the entire process a lot cheaper.

This new deportation prison was a second attack point in our vision.

The capacity in the older deportation facilities in Kruppstrasse and in the police stations in Gothaer Strasse and Beimlerstrasse have been overflowing for some time now. Over-
crowding and inhumane conditions have often led to prisoner revolts and protests by humanitarian groups. But these protests usually focused on the poor conditions in the deportation detention centers, but they didn’t necessarily question deportation as such. Typically of such an mind-set is a certain Albert Eckert, a deputy of the Green Party, who stated in October 1994 that foreigners should only be arrested immediately prior to their deportation.

As a “temporary measure” to help solve the problem, the former U.S. army prison in the McNair barracks in Steglitz was filled with 30 deportees. According to press reports from the end of July 1994, the police station in Gallwitzallee in Lankwitz will soon have 80 deportation spaces. We don’t know what will come of these sites.

In order to head off possible protest, the interior ministry, as was the case with the high-tech prisons in Weiterstadt and Plotzensee, pointed to the many great features of the Gruenau facility: sufficient capacity, common rooms, small-group detention units, a medical ward, sports facilities, translators, social workers, hell, they are even going to expand the courtyard space for the detainees, so that “the deportees can stretch their legs a bit” (Norbert Schmidt, Berlin senate interior ministry spokesman). Refugees about to kicked out of the country should feel good in German deportation prisons, before deserters from Yugoslavia are sent back to sacrifice their lives for nationalist madness, before Kurds disappear in the torture chambers of the Turkish secret police MIT.

Finally, these measure not only represent more control to prevent revolts and break-outs, rather they also signify the increased rationalization of the deportation process. In GerPos257the face of this, protests against poor conditions in the detention centers are mute.

We should not be concerning ourselves with more human deportation practices. We are out to abolish deportation detention altogether on the way towards a general right to stay for all refugees!

Our contribution to this was to have been blowing up the new prison in Gruenau. A successful attack would have had far more than a symbolic nature. It would have been an effective intervention in the deportation process, at least a temporary halt to the expansion of deportation machinery.

The Failed Attack In Gruenau

A lot of what the press wrote about that night of April 11 is, in fact, correct. It was merely an unfortunate coincidence that the two cars were discovered at the parking lot in Rabindranathstrasse. One was a stolen vehicle which contained the explosives and other
materials for the action, for example a locksmith device which we had with us in case we came across any doors that needed to be opened, and inside the other car were some ID cards and other personal effects. A cop car which just happened to be in the area saw the two vehicles and decided to investigate. The discovery of the two cars and the subsequent search for four individuals were not the result of some careful scheme, rather a major screw-up on our part for being careless about possibly involving non-participants. We won’t say any more about that, rather we’ll leave it up to those people who are on the run to go public and explain why they are being sought after if that’s what they want to do.

True, we did want to blow up the deportation prison. The media reported that the construction site was well-guarded. That’s not true. There was one guard post in a corner of the site, which was being manned. Despite careful and repeated surveillance missions, we never detected any patrols. A few days after our failed attack, some cops were GerPos77stationed in a watch tower, but they hadn’t been there before. After using a ladder to get over the wall we were able to walk around the entire prison and check everything out. There were no locked doors.

For the explosives, we were utilizing 4 propane gas canisters filled with 30kg of an 80:20 ratio mixture of nitric chloride and powdered sugar. We placed the canisters in the cellar of the prison. This would have caused maximum damage to the facility, and according to our calculations, the entire thing would have to then be torn down.

Outside, we had painted signs warning of the blast to come and displaying our group’s name. These were to be placed at various entrances to the building in order to warn any eventual patrols of guards and to tell them to get to safety. But based on our surveillance, we didn’t think that would happen.

We had ruled out the possibility of any other persons being harmed by the blast.

Media claims that the bombs were armed and that we were walking around with the timers ticking are just ridiculous. Another stupid claim is that our homemade mixture would have had eight times the effect of the Oklahoma City explosion. (In Oklahoma, in the USA, a federal building which housed an office of the CIA, as well as a kindergarten, GerPos51was destroyed by fascists.) The obvious intent here was to associate us with dead children in Oklahoma. The bomb in the USA was 95% ammonium nitrate (fertilizer) and 5% gasoline or diesel and was hence the “correct” way to make an ammonium explosive, one which is much more powerful than an explosive made of a nitric chloride mixture.

The press reports not only reflected the lack of knowledge and the absurd fantasies of journalists, but rather they also hid the interests of the intelligence agencies, from whom they may have originated. The goal was to create a horrible image, one in which anyone could have fallen victim to our action, and thereby to create great distortion. This would then prevent a discussion of the political context of our action and make solidarity impossible.

Our Mistakes

For carrying out the action in Gruenau, we had decided upon a fixed time schedule. As the day for the action approached, it became clearer to us that we hadn’t allotted any time for unforeseen problems or to deal with and collectively solve the latent fears of individual participants. We were missing something, which was nothing new for this group of men; it was left to each individual to his assigned task and thus we each lost GerPos300sight of the broader task at hand. This was a mistake. All actions, especially one of this dimension, should allow time for intermediate collective decision-making. The goal of the action or some time schedule should not hide the actual situation of the individual
participants involved.

For the planned action in Gruenau, we were using the same sort of timing devices as during the attack on the barracks in Bad Freienwalde. We had also painted warning signs displaying our group’s name. Therefore, before this action was even carried out, we were already making ourselves complicit in a previous attack. Many people probably asked themselves, how could we possibly violate one of the ten commandments of autonome militancy, namely just doing things once in any given manner. Well, here’s our “reasoning” on that issue.

Long before we planned the Gruenau attack, we had perfected a certain type of timing device whose dependability we could count on. Of course, we could have come up with another method before Gruenau. But, the way we looked at it, if any of us was going to
get discovered and busted, then it would probably be on the grounds of the prison itself where the chances of getting away are slim – prisons are good at trapping people. Since we figured the charges for trying to blow up a prison would be pretty heavy, the added
stigma of the Freienwalde action would not be too severe. So, we stuck with our trusty old timing device.

And, according to this logic which made us already connected the Bad Freienwalde attack, there was no reason not to write our group’s name on the warning signs, Besides, a warning sign with a recognizable group name on it would be taken more seriously. What’s more, if the bombing had been a success, the press reports would naturally mention our first action and thereby publicize the political context of our attack.

It’s pretty clear from all of this that we were operating under a sort of “All or Nothing” GerPos303logic. As the turn of events and the subsequent pig investigations show, we were very short-sighted. Those people who are now in the cops’ sight because of our mistakes now have to deal with problems like membership in a terrorist organization. Without the similar timing devices and the warning signs, that would not be the case.

Our approach also entailed unnecessary risks to ourselves as well. All actions should be planned in such a way that, in the event of an arrest before or during the action, no previous actions can be pinned on the person busted.


In contrast to the picture portrayed by the media, Berlin- Gruenau was not some sort of kamikaze stunt, rather it was a very realistic action. The fact is, though, we produced several serious mistakes during our planning. The biggest one, we think, was not giving ourselves enough time to have the option of bailing out if need be or to solve any sudden problems which might arise. Most of the other mistakes stemmed from this lack of time and the inability to come together and discuss the problems until the best possible solution had been found.

We must draw consequences from these mistakes. No amount of regret from us can change the fact that some people are in trouble with the authorities because of us. All we can do is try and limit the damage.

We did not live up to the responsibilities which we claimed at the beginning of this text. Our intention was to mobilize the radical-left, but now, just the opposite has happened because of our failure!

We will end our political work as the K.O.M.I.T.E.E. This decision is necessary because of GerPos304the sum total of all the mistakes we made.

Continuing to be active politically under this name could potentially cause more harm for those who are already in trouble. We all well aware of the judicial vengeance of Germany’s 129a trials, and we know that those accused will be tried according to political opportunity, not evidence.

Our decision to disband is by no means a renunciation of militant politics, rather our personal consequences from a debacle.

Now, just as ever, we thinks it’s important and correct to intervene, with militant means, against the political and military plans of the ruling powers and to point out, prevent, and attack their projects wherever possible.

We are very pleased by the initiative of the K.O.L.L.E.K.T.I.V. who have taken up our theme and are carrying it forward.

Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E.
September 6, 1995

(Translated by Arm The Spirit)


Letter From K.O.M.I.T.E.E.

The following is a letter from one of the three men sought by the German
police in conjunction with the failed K.O.M.I.T.E.E. attack on a new
deportation prison in Berlin in April 1995.

“In the deep of night, it’s really gloomy…”

I am one of the three people whom the cops are looking for in connection with the komitee7.jpgattempted action against the deportation prison in Grunau. As one of the people involved, I would like to address a few points, because I think people are very unclear as to how we should deal with all of this. Just as it looked, the cops’ success was the result of
pure chance as well mistakes made by us; it was not the result of police infiltration or some kind of evil counter-insurgency. The fact we are in deep shit because of this may be sad, but it’s not the end of the world. Life goes on. Our present situation is the day-to-day reality of thousands of refugees in Germany, in fact we’re probably better off than most of them. We have decided not to turn ourselves in, nor will we let the cops catch us. We won’t change our minds about this.

Perhaps you all are expecting me to explain why my ID card or license plates or my whatever else was in the immediate vicinity of a highly-armed vehicle, but it wouldn’t be wise for me at the present time to explain this, since the cops have several years to think about such things.

No statements to the cops – ever!

But it’s a mystery to me why I should keep my mouth completely shut when the cops are running around arresting people or making up all sorts of false accusations and komitee5constructions. Why aren’t such attacks being made public and exposed? It goes without saying that the cops and the justice system don’t play by their own rules if things are kept in the dark and they don’t face public scrutiny.

The defendants [in the Kaindl Trial] charged with the action in the Chinese restaurant weren’t given such “mild” sentences because Judge Eschenbach understood the need for anti-fascist resistance on the part of immigrants, rather because the murder charges could not be sustained when exposed to the public view and when the racist nature of the prosecution was exposed. For example, the cops put Beate in jail even though they
knew she wasn’t involved. Eventually they had to let her go because their “evidence” had seemingly been made up. The whole thing was like being “kidnapped”! Of course, the main responsibility for the fact that Beate and others could have gotten stuck with the blame lies in the fact that mistakes were made during the action itself. And since there is a real danger that the cops will take this same route once again, we can’t just leave them in peace. The nation-wide raids and house searchers on 13.6.1995 were intended to mix together the entire radical-left and intimidate people and bring about a few trials. If there is not an offensive response to this attack by many people, they will have reached their goal. Now more than ever it is more important not to be intimidated and to sit alone and wait for the cops to make their next move, rather we need to come together and move forward to expose the cops’ bullshit, to organize support for those affected persons, and to deal with the criminalized themes.

I’d like to say a few things about the politics of the AIZ, even though my comments are nothing new. The fact that this criticism comes after the massive wave of repression, komitee14which was justified with, among other things, an alleged search for AIZ members, may seem out of line. But I think that in a situation like this it’s more important to have a
discussion like this than to exchange a few polite words. First of all, it’s admirable to see people working so seriously and putting their asses on the line for a revolutionary perspective at a such a gloomy time.

Also, I largely agree with the analyses put forward in their communiques. But when I look at the group’s praxis, I get anxious. For one thing, it’s wrong to view militant politics exclusively as a “part of the front in the international struggle for liberation” without any sort of local point of reference, no matter how shitty the social conditions here are for that sort of thing. In practical terms, that means abandoning the tricky stuff to the anti-imps, who can’t really relate things to that many people and thus they also cannot lead more people to take up the ideas of liberation, so nothing changes in the long run. Other people realized this long ago. In a situation of heightened struggle, where the question of taking power is at hand, such concerns naturally become secondary, because the main task at hand is to cause material damage to the enemy. But we have not reached that stage yet.

Given the present situation, the purpose of our initiatives, in addition to pushing through concrete demands, should be propaganda, to show that resistance is possible. To motivate people to take action themselves.

Secondly, I think it’s really shitty to be so nonchalant when dealing with other people’s lives like the AIZ are. Perhaps your actions weren’t so carelessly done as the media have stated. But your call for “potentially deadly actions” seems to convey a real lack of responsibility. Either you decide to do something or you don’t, but either way you need good justifications. Whether you like it or not, you must see to it that nothing unintended happens. You can’t just stick a bomb on someone’s front porch and they say, we don’t care if they get killed, we just want to scare them. In general, I recommend that you all put your project on hold for the time being and think things through some more. Learn what your goals are!komitee2

The cops have put four comrades in jail and are now searching for others just because they allegedly helped publish Radikal. In the 12 years since it was outlawed, Radikal has brought people uncensored information, opinions, and practical tips. Despite lots of harassment against printing shops and infoshops, the cops have never been able to disrupt its production and distribution. This is the first periodical in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany which has been consistently published nation-wide with progressive content that is free from state censorship. Of course, it has never managed to get beyond its “autonomist” readers circle, but in addition to its practical use for many radical-leftists it is also living proof that it is possible to organize functioning structures outside of state control. We can’t just let them do this to us.

Let’s prevent them from locking these four people up! Under the theme of freedom of GerPos426expression it must be possible to create a broad base of support, because the reasoning behind the house searches and arrests is not at all solid. The justice system has messed up in the past when it tried to shut down Radikal. If we are able to make their charges fall apart, that won’t just mean protection for the individuals concerned, but we would also have won ourselves a bit of freedom: the possibility to continue an open discussion of leftist strategies. To the producers of the paper: don’t stop publishing Radikal! “That which is true will continue to be said, to be written, and to be published!”

Warm greetings from somewhere.

kommuniquepicKlasse Gegen Klasse Communique

Enough Is Enough! Freedom For Mumia Abu-Jamal!
Stop The Construction Of The Youth Prison In Berlin-Lichtenrade!

On the night of 13.8.95, we carried out simultaneous attacks on the corporate headquarters of Helit & Woerner in Charlottenberg (Badenallee) as well as their depot in Neukolln (Maybachufer) by firebombing trucks belonging to the firm and leaving behind leaflets.GerPos273

We see our action as part of the international solidarity movement to save the life of ex-Black Panther Mumia Abu-Jamal and to win his freedom.

The firm Helit & Woerner is responsible for the planning, construction, and financing of the new prison for youths between the ages of 14-17 which is presently being built in the Lichtenrade section of Berlin. When the prison is built, it will be turned over to the state senate who will pay back the construction costs to the firm within 10 years. The youth prison in Lichtenrade will carry out supposedly liberal custody methods.

Here, as in the USA, prisons are full of people from the lower classes. This number also includes a high proportion of “foreigners” and non-white prisoners. This situation is an GerPos4expression of capitalist society. People who are no longer needed in the “labor market” are pushed out by the ruling powers according to their class, gender, skin color, or nationality. The bosses and their lackeys in the unions, political parties, and the media condemn these people as “welfare bums” who “refuse to work”, sometimes even branding them as “potential criminals”.

Then the state can force people to work irregular hours at substandard pay. At the same time, the state balances its budget and the poor bear the brunt of all the cuts. A similar situation has been true for the past several years with all those people forced into “crime” by social conditions. Such people are made to work for next to nothing, behind
bars. There are already 7 million people out of work, and as the labor market becomes more international and increasingly technological, the ruling classes are planning on increasing this number. Before, people used to complain about the so-called “Third World”, but now its fashionable among German middle class careerists to speak of Germany becoming overpopulated.

Friends, let’s smack these shitheads right in the face! The fact that the proletarian class go around spouting racist crap is proof of what power capitalist/racist ideology has over the hearts and minds of large segments of the population. But it also points out the GerPos55weaknesses of the politics of the predominantly middle class left, and it shows just how important it is that we turn our slogan “Borders don’t run between people, rather between the top and the bottom!” into reality.

So, a few words now about new “leftist” trends. It’s easy and cool to be in “solidarity” with Mexican natives who are struggling far away, or to debate about triple oppression theory while losing all practical intervention in the society around us, or the latest trend, to organize as animal rights activists, because animals have no consciousness so we don’t have to talk to them or argue with them, but still we have the feeling that we’re doing something noble. How pathetic!

The cry for “law and order” and the death penalty for “criminals” in the USA are slowly becoming acceptable here in Germany among the upper and middle classes (even within the Green Party). Behind this lies the knowledge that the worsening capitalist crisis can no longer get the same results from the system’s previous methods of integration. This is resulting in a great fear that increasing numbers of people from the proletarian class will themselves begin questioning capitalist conditions and stop being played off against one another and direct their hate and anger against capitalist injustice and once and for all bring an end to the egotistical lifestyles of the upper classes instead of just trying to imitate them.

There are more than 1 million (!) people in prison in the USA, and many millions more live in poor rural areas or city ghettos outside the realms of middle class life. Don’t GerPos281imagine that similar tendencies aren’t recognizable here in Germany, as more and more prisons are being built as benefits to the unemployed and people on welfare keep getting cut. Proletarian youths, especially the “foreign” ones among us, are in an especially difficult situation. It starts with trying to find a spot in school and doesn’t end with trying to find a place to live. Youths are constantly bombarded with the “values” of capitalist death-culture by their parents, teachers, bosses, and the media: competition, the “rights” of the strong, self-satisfaction through performance and consumption, and so on. In our cities, its “every man for himself”, coupled with traces of social disadvantage and exclusion, which gets expressed in such things as proletarian neighbors breaking into each other’s cars and homes, or outbreaks of violence, often with a sexist or racist motive. Then there are the problems of drugs and the increasing influence of right-wing nationalists, or Islamic groups among youths from Turkey or Yugoslavia.GerPos276

Against a background such as this, it’s very difficult to build up true friendships and social emancipatory relationships on a broader level which can be the basis for a new international fighting class. But, friends, enough of this talking!

To fight against the contemporary tendencies of powerlessness and resignation, we should orient ourselves towards people such as Mumia Abu-Jamal, who is sitting in a cell on death row, or Gulnaz Baghistani, the Kurdish comrade who died during the hunger strike. Their thoughts and actions, their determination and perseverance in the most difficult of circumstances, can give us strength and the inspiration to continue on the path we’re taking. Those people who aren’t being discouraged by the fact that the cops have arrested their friends in connection with the publication Radikal are also exhibiting great courage, or the Passau Youth Initiative, who are determined not to lapse into resignation following the “suicides” of four of their friends, rather they continue to struggle to create an autonomist youth center. There are GerPos277plenty of positive examples both here in our country as well as internationally!

From Gaziomanpasa to Kreuzberg! From Panama City to South Central Los

For the War of Class Against Class!

KGK (Klasse gegen Klasse/Class Against Class)



Bombs In Support Of Demonstrations

“Klasse gegen Klasse” Claims Responsibility For Recent Arson And
Bomb Attacks

According to police reports, there were several attacks on Monday – a bomb exploded outside the home of a Free University law professor and three high-priced automobiles parked in the area went up in flames.

The group “Klasse gegen Klasse” [Class Against Class – KGK] has since claimed responsibility for these attacks. There was no danger to human life, according the group’s communique. The nine-page text, which explained the motive and background to the actions, was entitled “The Sweet Dreams Of A Class Enemy And His Frightened Awakening”.

The professor had come into the group’s sights for evidently advocating an end to wage increases for workers. The action was linked to the Berlin Senate’s present budget reduction proposals and the accompanying protest demonstrations against cuts in
social spending. The fact that the automobiles, parked near to the area where the professor lived, all belonged to people involved in the construction industry seems to have been a coincidence, according to police.

The group “Klasse gegen Klasse” has claimed responsibility for a total of about 50 actions, although nothing had been heard from them in about a year. The group is believed to be based in Kreuzberg. Despite heavy investigations by police and the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution (LfV), the group remains a mystery. Since 1992, its mission has been to use various means to destroy property belogning to rich people, including fancy shops and bars.

In its annual report, the LfV has called “Klasse gegen Klasse” a “violent autonomist group with a revolutionary-Marxist outlook”. The goal of its actions, according to the report, is to stir worry amongst a certain middle class believed to profit from neighborhood restructuring, as well as to promote neighborhood resistance, much like they have done in Kreuzberg.

(Source: Neues Deutschland, March 30, 1996)


Stay Radikal!

“It was never about illegality as such, rather the promotion of free communication and the conveyance of radical political content.”
– Interview With A Radikal Group, 1989

Statement From Radikal

On June 13, 1995, federal police in Germany carried out a major coup against left-radical structures. At six in the morning, around 50 homes and leftist projects all across GerPos418Germany were stormed. The mainstream media praised the action as a “blow to terrorist groups”, spewing forth the cops’ line that the raids were directed against the Anti-Imperialist Cell (AIZ), the group K.O.M.I.T.E.E., and the illegal magazine ‘Radikal’. The usual stigma of “terrorist group” was attached, justified with Paragraphs 129 and 129a. Standard pig procedure. It’s a part of German reality to have homes being stormed, children rousted from their beds by masked cops with guns, weapons pointed at the heads of individuals whose “only” crime was their work on a left-radical newspaper. Even on the suspicion of simply distributing Radikal, people were terrorized all over the
country, from Berlin to Hamburg to Cologne. This was the biggest raid on the German left in years – the Kurds, of course, have been subjected to such treatment on several occasions recently.

That night on the TV, there was little mention any more about the AIZ or the K.O.M.I.T.E.E. Hell, we haven’t enjoyed so much publicity in a long time, as images were flashed of the cops’ Radikal archives, followed by a report of the arrest of 4 people for “membership in a criminal organization”, Radikal. Investigations are continuing against 21 other individuals on the same charge. So we felt this was reason enough for people to hear from us between issues. Sorry it took so long for this to happen, but these things take time, as anyone familiar with inter-regional structures knows.

We won’t try to make the intensity of this repression or our status in the left-radical GerPos44scene seem any greater than it really is. We always knew such a raid would happen at some point. But it is surprising that such a hard action against a publishing project could be carried out without so much as a peep from the “left- liberal public”. It’s characteristic of the continuity of the repression against leftist structures, even in times when the radical-left is weak. The BAW [federal prosecutor’s office] had just finished in their failed attempt to criminalize Gottingen’s Autonome Antifa (M) under Paragraph 129, and let’s not forget the cop raids and the banning of the Kurdistan Information Bureau in Cologne because it published “pro-PKK” paper ‘Kurdistan Rundbrief’, so now they decided to go against other organized structures of the radical-left in Germany – on the same day as a Nazi letterbomb terror attack on an SPD politician in Lubeck. It’s clear that these raids weren’t just aimed at us. We were just a convenient excuse. “The action was an aimed preventive measure designed to deter the left-radical scene”, said interior minister and deportation specialist Kanther that same evening. While right-wing terror grows worse and the consensus of social democrats/greens/conservatives in Great Germany is ready to send the Bundeswehr on its first foreign mission, it seems clear that the real threat is still the left. The message being sent is clear, and by lumping together the AIZ, K.O.M.I.T.E.E., and Radikal, it is that much easier to criminalize the entire left.

Who We Are

We produce and distribute a magazine. A magazine which, in a time of state control and self-censorship, is a forum for a discussion of street militancy and armed struggle. Of course, we aren’t “neutral” in this discussion. We fundamentally reject the notion that GerPos402the state has a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. The existing social conditions can only be changed if left-radical groups and associations build up their abilities and structures so as to be able to counter some of these effects even today. This, of course, includes militant and armed intervention, but these would be empty gestures if there wasn’t also some sort of linkage or means of conveying their message. Of course, we are very happy when militant anti-fascist initiatives disrupt Nazi meetings. So we also see one of our functions as exposing fascist structures so as to make both old and new Nazis attackable, and we think this is one very important aspect of anti-fascist work.

Of course, it would have been awesome if the cover of our next issue had had a big picture of the new deportation prison in Berlin-Grunau reduced to rubble. All people who seek to intervene and oppose Germany’s refugee policies would have been overjoyed at this disruption of the state’s deportation machinery. A radical-left which takes the past 25 years of its history seriously must discuss the successes and failures of the various armed and militant groups, such as the RAF, the 2nd of June Movement, the Revolutionary Cells, and militant autonomist groups, and it must draw consequences for GerPos280the future from this discussion.

In order that we don’t just keep looking back at our history, but rather so that we keep up to date with actual developments, it’s important that we be active in current anti-fascist initiatives or, for example, discuss the politics of the AIZ, of whom we are very critical. We must continually fight for the necessary space to carry out such discussions and defend ourselves from state attacks. Radikal tries to do jut that, no more, no less. We try to make it possible for various structures to have a means of being heard on a regular basis. It’s seem like we’re stating the obvious when we say that the cop attacks on Radikal are, at the same time, a criminalization of other leftist structures which provide this necessary space, like infoshops and magazines for example.

The present attacks on us, however, are qualitatively different than past repressive campaigns for two fundamental reasons. Firstly, we have now been declared a “criminal organization”, and secondly, it has now been stated that Radikal has “entirely criminal content”. A look back at the last few issues, therefore, will reveal what criminal means: new anti-racist street names in Braunschweig, articles on nationalism and the liberation struggle in Kurdistan, an analysis of the history of patriarchal gender divisions, an appeal from non-commercial radio stations, debates about leftist campaigns surrounding the May 8th commemorations…that’s criminal content?GerPos406

Before, the authorities used to point out specific articles which “supported a terrorist organization” so as to criminalize them. Now the cops don’t want to go through all that trouble so they have just called the entire project a “criminal organization”, therefore the content must be criminal, too. But it’s the mixture of theory and actual attacks, discussion and practical tips, which makes Radikal so interesting to read for so many people.

And we value this mixture. Radikal aims to mobilize people to oppose Nazis and to stop the Castor nuclear waste shipments, while at the same time giving information about debates on anti-nationalism or the background of the origins of capitalist and patriarchal social structures. What’s more, it should offer space for people from even the most remote corners of Germany to discuss their actions or their difficulties, things which have been ignored for far too long by a jaded left fixated on the metropoles. The federal police have called this mixture criminal.

If you listen to what the cops say about all of this, it sounds like some sort of cheesy novel. We are supposedly organized in a “highly conspiratorial manner” with “fixed organizational structures”. It seems that really banal things are actually dangerous. Anyone who produces a magazine needs “fixed organizational structures”, they need to sit down together and talk about what should go into the next issue and how to GerPos401distribute the magazine, mail out subscriptions, write articles, answer letters from readers, and so on and so forth. The only difference between us and normal, legal magazines is the fact that we have removed ourselves from state control, out of the reach of the censorship authorities. Over the years, we have built up an organizational structure which allows us to distribute a relatively high number of magazines nation-wide, by radical-left standards that is. As with other groups who seek to build up open or hidden structures, we are subject to state repression. From their point of view, the BAW had good reason to act now, since all their previous actions against us had been fruitless. Radikal kept being published, and there was nothing they could do about it.

In 1982, about 20 homes, bookstores, and printing shops were raided in an attempt to prosecute Radikal for “supporting a terrorist organization”. In 1984, 2 supposed editors of the paper were sentenced to 2 1/2 years in prison, but they avoided going to the slammer by getting elected to the European Parliament for the Greens. In 1991, the federal prosecutor exchanged the jail terms for a fine. The next step came in 1986, when Radikal was already organized underground. Now, 100 homes and shops were
raided by the cops. Nearly 200 court cases were opened, and in the end 5 people were given suspended sentences of 4-10 months.GerPos419

The wave of repression in 1986 – in addition to the obvious aims of scaring people and just being repressive – had one major aim, namely to drive Radikal out of the public realm and to lessen its effectiveness. But that didn’t succeed. Despite the fact that
several book stores, most of which dated back to Radikal’s legal days, backed out on us and left us with heavy debts, work on Radikal and its distribution became much more decentralized. A network of groups and individuals took up responsibility for the magazine, based on their conditions. In 1989, the state authorities went into action one more time after ID-Verlag in Amsterdam published an interview with us as a brochure.

The latest moves by the BAW have again made it clear that claims by the mainstream media and left-liberals concerning armed roups – “Your attacks make it possible for the state to turn thescrews of repression even tighter!” – are total crap. Even the cease-fire from the guerrilla did not open up any “new levels of social debate”. The defenders of GerPos424law and order are continuing to act against left-radical groups, who are all equally defined as dangerous, and these are attacked at the same high level.

4 people are now in prison! We can’t just forget that fact. In any case, that’s why we’d like to call for exchange and communication with the solidarity groups. The charges against the 4 are as follows: They produced and distributed Radikal. But who actually “produces” Radikal? Those people who send in reports of antifa actions, or is it those people that take 10 copies and give them to their friends to read, or maybe it’s those people that write a few articles and do some lay-out, or maybe it’s the people that see to it that a few copies get into the prisons? Or maybe the BAW thinks it’s those people that discuss for weeks on end which articles should go in the next issue of Radikal? Or is the ones who stand for long hours behind the printing presses?

We’re not really sure who exactly the cops are referring to when they talk about Radikal, but we know they really mean all of us! All people who see the continued need for radical-left structures for discussion and communication, away from state control and the apparatus of repression. And all people who recognize the need for women and men to become organized to avoid being swallowed up by capitalist and patriarchal reality. That’s why it’s the task for all of us to not accept this attack nor to let it go unanswered.

GerPos415We need an uncontrollable resistance media!

Read, use, distribute, and stay Radikal!

Powerful greetings to Rainer, Ralf, Werner, and Andreas!

Free the prisoners!

The teeth will show whose mouth is open!

some Radikal groups – Summer 1995

(translated by Arm The Spirit)


 Germany: Militant Actions For Mumia

GerPos377On July 3, autonomist and women’s/lesbian groups sprayed slogans, smashed windows, glued locks, and damaged ATM machines at 7 branches of the American bank Citibank. Ten days later, the “Commando Assata Shakur” attacked a Chrystler dealer in Kassel.

These are just two actions out of many which have taken place in Germany over the past few months (demos, petitions, benefit concerts) as part of the global campaign to free Mumia. Since other groups are doing a good job of filling in Mumia supporters about the wide variety of solidarity work being done around the world, we’ll continue to provide information and translations from the segments of the movement which we usually cover. So, having said that, here are a few more communiques from comrades in Germany.
– ATS, September 28/95


Frankfurt – 3.8.1995

GerPos378Stop The Execution Of Mumia Abu-Jamal!

Several locks glued shut, paint all over the walls of the offices of the U.S. airline company Delta (Lyonerstrasse 36), this should be a clear sign to all American firms and corporations that we will not allow Black journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal to be executed!

In the event that the governor of Pennsylvania and the U.S. government decide to go through with their plans and carry out their racist death penalty, we will not hesitate to carry out further actions against American interests in Germany!!!

Free Mumia Abu-Jamal!
Abolish The Racist Death Penalty!

M.T.V. (Mumias Tod Verhindern/Prevent Mumia’s Death)


Mumia Abu-Jamal is a political prisoner and is on death row in Pennsylvania/USA. He is scheduled to be executed on August 17.

Mumia, we send you our warm greetings!

A fire unites us – in our hearts, and in the McDonald’s in Rostock. For Citibank in Rostock as well, today was not business as usual since their locks were glued shut and their windows were smashed.

Stop The Execution Of Mumia Abu-Jamal!!!!!!!!

autonomist group “Life and Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal”


On the night of August 9-10, we set a Chrystler car on fire at the Chrystler dealership GerPos379“Autosalon am Elsterwerdaer” at Kopenickerstrasse 78 in Berlin-Biesdorf.

Black journalist and political prisoner Mumia Abu-Jamal, who has been on death row in the American state of Pennsylvania for more than 13 years now, is scheduled to be executed on August 17. The death warrant was signed on June 1. The justification for this was a series of fabrications which the media accepted as proof. At the beginning of this week, it was announced that the execution was to be delayed. But this partial victory is no reason for the movement to stop and just sit back and watch the legal arguments develop. Rather we should gather together all of our strength and push forward to achieve our ultimate political goal: Mumia’s freedom.

For a racist judicial system, allowing and threatening the death penalty is a means of literally destroying all forms of opposition to the system; it is state-sponsored murder as a means of counter-insurgency. In several countries, campaigns to free Mumia have taken on many forms: Militant actions are and will always be a legitimate means of overstepping the “legal” boundaries of protest which limit us to appeals and collecting petition signatures. At decisive moments during current campaigns, we think it’s important to carry out militant actions to make it perfectly clear to people just how life-threatening the situation is. Only in this way can we bring the politics into the public consciousness and effect the necessary pressure.

Our action against an American corporation should not be viewed as simple “anti-Americanism”, which equates the USA as the “center of evil” controlling all political, GerPos380military, and economic power and thereby overlooks the other imperialist power blocs (the European Union, the Japan-dominated Pacific Rim).

Our action is designed to make known the militant praxis in Germany against the still threatened execution of Mumia Abu-Jamal and to intervene in the continuing campaign for Mumia’s life and freedom.

Warm greetings to the “Autonomist Parcel Service” and the autonomist and women’s/lesbian groups “For the Life of Mumia Abu-Jamal” and the “Commando Assata Shakur”.

anti-imperialist group “Free Mumia Abu-Jamal”


Column #266 — Written 16 December 1995
@1995 by Mumia Abu-Jamal

“Freedom of the press belongs to those who own one.” — saying.GerPos301

Isn’t it amazing that as the bourgeois democracies brag and bray to the world of their lofty “freedoms,” they are, at the same time, crushing their domestic dissidents?

The silencing of “Radikal,” a German independent left journal, the arrests of radical journalists, Werner Konnerth (of Berlin-Krenzberg), Rainer Paddenberg (of Munster,) Andreas Ehresmann (Rendsburg) and Ralf Milbrandt (Neumunster), all under the German state’s draconian 129/129a codes, puts the nails in the coffin of what remained of a so-called “free press.”

Where is the international outrage by the civil libertarians of the Empire?

Where are the howls of protest at the jailing of the “Radikal 4,” who committed the “crime” of writing what the government didn’t want written?

Of course, the assaults on radical journalists occur in a sociopolitical context.  Where Western governments, masquerading as “liberal democracies,” are implementing their machinery of social repression of those on the margins, the militant left, national and social minorities, an increasingly unemployed working class, the poor.

The 13 June raids on “Radikal,” the group K.O.M.I.T.E.E., and AIZ (Anti-Imperialist Cells) by government troops is an intimidation tactic meant to spread fear, and silence, by
GerPos416criminalization, all dissidence to the state.

The effect of such attacks is to also quiet the questioning of the official discourse.

The late, radical priest/psychologist, Ignacio Martin-Baro, of El Salvador wrote (shortly before his murder by a U.S.-trained death squad) that one of the most important phases of the revolutionary process was the arising of a *critical consciousness* among the people, when they questioned the fficial discourse.  This would bring in a phase pregnant with revolutionary possibility.

What happens when the state silences those questions? When they seek to stop the rise of such a consciousness by overt state terrorism?  Will they retard the process?

That is the question for the radicals there, and here; for the “Radikal 4 + 1” (Ulf Bundermann — in prison, for refusing to snitch on his friends in “Radikal”).  That is also our challenge, to:  Free the Radikal 5!  For a free press, for a free people! Down with state censorship!  Radical journalism is never a crime, but a duty!

kommuniquepicInterim Meets Radikal

Interview With Radikal And Interim

Four years ago, on June 13, 1995, the German federal police, the BAW, launched a series of nationwide raids to defeat the organized structures of the clandestine autonomistGerPos408 publication ‘Radikal’. The BAW failed, however, and most of the criminal cases were eventually dropped. Since then, two brochures have been published, in which former Radikal members announced their retirement from the project. Last summer, the only issue of Radikal published by the “third generation” thus far appeared. Nothing has been heard of from the project since then. The following is a joint discussion with members of Radikal as well as some people involved in ‘Interim’, a semi-legal weekly autonomist publication based in Berlin.

Interim: Radikal only appears sporadically these days. What situation is the publication in at the moment?

Radikal: It wasn’t our intention to only appear once a year. One reason for that was that many people are no longer with the project, which is fallout from the wave of repression. The cops smashed some parts of our structure. The bad thing about appearing only once a year is that we cannot participate in current discussions. For example, we were well on our way towards planning the next issue when NATO started bombing Yugoslavia. We
should have tossed everything and started right away on something new. But, as a GerPos413clandestine organization, it’s not that easy, and changing plans takes a lot of energy.

Interim: Is there any point in producing a magazine which only comes out once a year?

Radikal: If there wasn’t hope of coming out more frequently, no. Because discussions are much more suited to other publications, like your project, the Interim, for example.

Interim: But you all also had discussions about whether you should be a structure, a political-militant network, or just a radical magazine project. Where did these discussions lead?

Radikal: In the direction of being more than just a magazine. We see ourselves as an attempt to network from the local level to the nationwide level. The perspective is to use this network for more than just a publication. This controversial discussion is an old one within the project. Partly because it reveals how difficult it is to build a discussion on a structure of information exchange, one in which there is some degree of accountability.

Interim: In the early 1990s, the organization debate became reduced to two poles, the spontaneous-oriented autonomists, who reject inter-regional organizations, and the antifa-wing of the movement, which became organized in the AA/BO [Anti-FascistGerPos412Interim
Action/Nationwide Organization]. You all are also a form of nationwide organization. In praxis, especially bearing in mind your conditions, does a nationwide organization make sense?

Radikal: There will be conditions again in the future, but they first must be created by the radical-left, in which a nationwide organization, a bigger association which is not isolated, will have a whole other significance. Some day there could be a situation when the question of power is posed again, a situation in which the radical-left can win back at least some of the influence which it has lost. We must more politically visible – this requires some form of structure, one which takes discussions and debates seriously. It all comes down to our own utopias.

Interim: In the discussions after the wave of repression, many former Radikal members claimed that the structure existed too much in and of itself. Was there too much structure and not enough content? Or was the structure not well enough organized?What lessons did you learn from this?

Radikal: In a recent issue of Interim, a paper from the “Group Y2K” was published, which raised the question: To what degree is/was this structure a social instrument? This question is answered by the paper itself, in so far as there’s nothing about that in it. A social structure was, for the most part, non-existent. So during the rebuilding phase, we will pay attention to that fact. Groups and small-groups often lost that, since they are overburdened with trying to do something from a position of clandestinity. We need structures which can start something like that. Failure is predetermined if you just keep
pushing on with something that’s no longer possible. We live in a society in which GerPos93collective working and collective living projects – the Sprengel in Hannover, for example, or the Marchstrasse in Berlin [former squats – trans.] – in our movement are disbanding. It’s becoming harder to resist this trend, but we need to do something about that. And that goes well beyond just organizing a magazine.

Interim: The society has changed in the past few years, working conditions have changed, so have living conditions. The pressure to adapt to the social system and to function within it has increased at all levels, so the space for left-radical politics has declined. So, what you say sounds both up-to-date and anachronistic at the same time. What’s the relationship between improved political structures and the changed social conditions?

Radikal: So many attempts have been made to analyze why the radical left has lost its significance. On the one hand we hear the same thing over and over again: socialism, as an alternative, is dead. If that’s true then there’s no point even struggling anymore. It’s true that pressure has increased, fears also. But the reason for that is the loss of a social backup. That’s why we need to concentrate on ourselves, to live in our own Utopias. A
part of that is collectivity. So we don’t need to all retreat back into the factories. It’s also important to examine the non-functioning aspects of collectivity and to deal with these
politically. That’s true for our project, your project, and for all individuals.

Interim: But most attempts have been too shallow. In the past, the left-radical printer was part of a collective, but today it might be a multimedia professional, someone who usually works alone but is capable of helping out others who are informally active. In the past, things took a long time and were always done together, but today many people are excluded. Also, you all are ignoring the continued development of real-existing GerPos278capitalism. In so far as real-existing socialism no longer exists as an external corrective, capitalism is presenting itself as the better model. And then there’s the dismantling of social security. The consequences of these are mirrored in the collective projects, and simply replying on increased collectivity seems false.

Radikal: Yes, but nothing is being done to resist the social dismantling. Capitalist restructuring is putting us under pressure. In the face of such a situation, we have to ask
ourselves, how can I survive and struggle, without giving in entirely to this pressure? It’s easier to do that in a social setting than alone. The Interim is of no meaning to people who have a forum for their discussions. But the meaning of it lies in the fact that the people involved feel a sense of satisfaction at producing something together, having discussions, debating things together, and speaking about changes. It only becomes frustrating when things collapse into arguments, splits begin to dominate, and people drop out, leaving just 10 individuals to meet every four weeks to make the organization’s decisions. In such a situation it’s not possible to resist the functioning of this shit system, because then you stop believing yourself in the aspects of the newspaper project which reflected your image of Utopia.

Interim: If you tell students in Berlin or Dresden, “join a collective, a political process, then we will be one step closer to a better society”, while it may be true, it doesn’t exactly
attract people. It’s too far removed from their daily experiences. Many people have dropped out of the radical left because it lost its former social atmosphere. Many people use that as an excuse to drop out of politics altogether, since the exciting days are over and its no longer “in” to be part of the radical left. That may be true, but it also says something about how attractive we are to people – or not. But what you all are saying is: Devote yourself to a collective, hang up posters in the afternoon, and go to a meeting at night, otherwise you’ll just drop out and end up discussing the latest war news at the kitchen table with your friends. As if there’s nothing in between.

Radikal: But there are many intermediary forms between nothing at all and the angst GerPos427impression which you have described. It’s about understanding collectivity as a political value again. The average person in the scene works 30 to 40 hours a week, lives with a partner, meets old political buddies now and then in a bar, and so on. The trend is towards an isolated anti-collective lifestyle. And we need to ask ourselves: How can we do something about that? As for students in Berlin or Dresden, well, when we were that age, it was important to find something different, to feel affirmation, togetherness, alternatives. Nowadays, despite all the failed projects, we still want our project to show an attractive alternative. It’s too simplistic to simply say that the political conditions have become worse.

Interim: Agreed. But still you have to admit that young people these days aren’t exactly racing in masses to join collectives. There are reasons for that. Another question is, why are youth antifa groups growing in numbers, but collectives are not? The joint resistance to the social conditions, beginning with the struggle against fascism, seems to be more attractive. It’s something concrete instead of something utopian.

Radikal: It’s not about just continuing on without changing. But just because one thing doesn’t work does not mean that the opposite is right. The same is true with the anti-sexism discussion. That just turns everything over. That’s why the anti-patriarchal analyses weren’t wrong after all.

Interim: The realizations certainly aren’t false just because everything around them has changed. But the way of dealing with it, of transmitting it, has to change. It’s not the anti-patriarchal analysis which is false. But it doesn’t help much if you stay so stubborn and rigid while sexist language and conduct become routine once again. How can we reach GerPos279other people? How do we convince them to adopt an anti-patriarchal position? Things in the scene are too often self-satisfied. But what sort of external influence does that have?

Radikal: Sure, we don’t wish to be like that. We want to have a positive influence. And many collectives still do. Political and personal togetherness, ideals.

Interim: According to what we’ve read about you, however, the situation within Radikal was quite the opposite. You all tore yourselves to bits to some extent. For a long time, there wasn’t sufficient openness to discuss apparent mistakes, many things were only revealed in the investigation files [after the wave of repression]. That has nothing to do with openness, as you all have written yourselves. What’s your opinion on that?

Radikal: In future, we think there will be groups in various cities, which don’t just consist of one or two or three people, and which will carry out joint political work. That means
preparing discussions, participating in discussions, and of course making the magazine. And in the future we will pay more attention to how hierarchies can come about. For example between bigger and smaller cities. Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Berlin seem to rank higher than cities like Bamberg, Bayreuth, Castrop-Rauxel, or Winsen on the Luhe. It’s easier in this country to organize in the big cities. But we need to make an effort to reduce such hierarchies. And not to repeat the same mistakes. Clandestine work is easier in the big cities, we didn’t consider that enough. There, exchange and support is easier, so are the social and political controls. Our future structure needs to have stable support and a social basis.

GerPos425Interim: In their self-critique, some former Radikal members said that before passing on information was managed very broadly. Papers were distributed very widely, and that this fell at your feet. How will you manage this in the future? Division of labor, or specialists?

Radikal: Our base is not big enough to have specialists. At the moment, all of us are specialists. The opinion that papers went around too broadly has been voiced by some within the project. But that’s the opinion of a small faction. There were simply too many useless papers distributed. It’s manageable if one main theme is chosen and others know about this. Only in this way can you have a discussion. It’s not necessary to spread information about problems there are at the moment with printing, and so on. And you don’t need to discuss with 20 people what kind of paper to print on. Sure, on June 13, the cops got onto our structure due to mistakes, but it actually had more to do with just plain
bad luck. We don’t need a discussion about technology. We don’t need to discuss: How can I change our technology so that the cops can’t access it? The question rather is: How do we deal with increased stress at the time of actual production? Do we insult each other? Or do we just spend the meeting having fun and talking about soccer scores? This has to do with the quality of a project. In order to change something, you need the appropriate emotional background.

Interim: Following the repression, it wasn’t clear how the Radikal would continue. Then a new edition appeared – in line with leftist tradition, we could say: a new edition, Number 155, practically the “third generation”. What’s your reaction to this?

Radikal: Well, first came the surprise, “ah, it’s still around” and “we didn’t expect to see this” and so on. Most people said “great that you’re still around” and that made us glad. But for me personally, that edition was not satisfactory. It didn’t have enough content depth. It’s always frustrating how little the discussions from other publications, brochures, and diverse groups are taken up. For example, a text in the last issue about
militancy – it’s as if no one had paid any attention to the discussions over the past two or three years concerning ‘K.O.M.I.T.E.E.’ or the group ‘Kabelschnittkombo’ in Frankfurt. So it’s no wonder there’s isolation. Now we’re in the phase of rebuilding. We want the project to be on legs that it can stand on for a long time. Until now, the steps backwards have been greater than the advances.GerPos414

Interim: Does that include the cops?

Radikal: No, not that, we don’t have any trouble right now. But in this phase we considered that maybe it’s better if no one hears from us for a long time? The effect, however, would be that it wouldn’t be so attractive for other groups to join in. Or do we tell people about our condition and come out with a small issue in the near future?

Interim: For a long time, people said that no one read Radikal anymore, and that the cops actually gave the publication a lot of free publicity. That’s a little polemic, but it’s partly true. That magazine hasn’t changed its face much since 1986/87. And we don’t just mean the layout. The content doesn’t reflect the changes which have taken place within the radical left, for example the dissolution of the RAF and the RZ…

Radikal: That’s true. That’s also written in the self-critique papers. There was a certain degree of numbness, both structural and in terms of content, which made things easier for the cops. That’s why we now want to have discussions in our uncensored structure. We want to give groups like the authors of the “Y2K” paper a forum. The magazine should pose questions like: How is it possible to rebuild a counter-power? We want to have debates which look to the future and which take into account the changed conditions. For example, unemployment and jobber-initiatives are back on the agenda these days, and the question of whether developments are really based on American conditions, and what collectivity and a social network mean against such a background.

Interim: In other words, more social system analyses? You all have usually closely GerPos404reflected the scene, autonomist actions, many small antifa communiques, debates on militancy, and so on. Then at some time you opened something, for example the theme
“Against Forgetting” (“Gegen das Vergessen”) and computer discussions. In our opinions, these were the things which people found most interesting.

Radikal: Part of the structure wants to move in that direction. “Against Forgetting” gave us some direction. That was the last time that Radikal had any great relevance. In the late 1980s, there was a relatively large, homogenous movement which called itself the “autonome scene”. This scene, which the Radikal depended on so much, isn’t around anymore. The dissolution process within Radikal was part of the dissolution of the autonome scene. So such a direction would mean self-isolation, a step in the wrong direction.

Interim: Some people have the impression that you were somewhat removed from the antifa movement. You took up the AA/BO [Anti-Fascist Action/Nationwide Organization] debates and the question of organizing, but these remained theoretical discussions. You were actually much closer to the classic ‘Autonomen’. Is this a correct impression?

Radikal: Yes, that’s correct.GerPos421

Interim: Your closeness to the autonomist scene meant that you reflected things of interest to the radical left, for example anti-atomic actions or debates about the RAF. For the past few years, however, things have shifted towards anti-fascism. And as was said above, that’s where the young people are who want to be active on the streets. That’s where actual social confrontations are taking place to a large degree. Do you want to be nearer to what is going on? Is the magazine changing?

Radikal: It can’t be ignored that the antifa movement still has the capacity for relatively large mobilizations. For many of us, anti-fascism is still inadequate as a theme, and we’d like to take up this discussion in the future. The development of the antifa struggles in many areas is a purely defensive strategy, and this should be commented on.

Interim: Shouldn’t it be the task of the Radikal to take up burning political issues, like the recent war, and to mobilize, to make use of the illegal space? Mobilizing for concrete actions, printing building instructions for carrying out militant actions, and so on? And, if possible, in a broad manner, even if it means the issues are a little small? Are you discussing a move in such a direction?

Radikal: As we said above, we have structural problems, and the fewer members we have makes it more difficult to react to current events. Our proposals are certainly moving in that direction, and we will certainly use our clandestine structure in the future to publish things which can’t find a place elsewhere. For example building instructions, making things simple so they don’t require specialists. That’s always been a part of Radikal and we’ll continue that tradition. The rest will depend on our personnel,
structural, social, and, of course, financial (!!) resources.

GerPos423Interim: Will the next issue of Radikal be a number in which it’s still unclear how things will proceed, or will that be the main topic of the next issue? Hopefully we’ll see it in less that a year’s time…

Radikal: (laughing) It will be the issue for the situation that the base has become bigger.

Interim: So, the next issue will have as its aim the attempt to expand the project, and if that doesn’t work, then you won’t continue?

Radikal: If the base doesn’t expand, then there can’t be many more issues, but we’re not quite at that point yet. So, like we always say: Live, Read, And Buy ‘Radikal’!

Interim: We thank you for this discussion!!

(Source: Interim #477 – June 3, 1999; Translated by Arm The


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… the Revolutionary Cells and Rote Zora carried out numerous actions from the mid-70s to FruchteZornthe mid-90s,  actions which engendered a heck of a lot of debate, (constructive) criticism and critiques … movement magazines like Interim, Agitare Bene, Radikal, Revolutionarer Zorn and others published this info and Arm The Spirit tried to keep up with it all as best as possible … here’s a few RZ communiques and  pieces that critique and analyze the actions and politics of the RZs and others … translated by Arm The Spirit and most, but not all of it,  made it into the pages of the zine … some of the material was alluded to / made mention of  in the communiques in the previously published Rote Zora / Revolutionary Cells Dossier …

… if you’re  interested,  a lot of this material was collected and published in a 600+ page book called “Die Fruchte des Zorn” … you can find it (and a lot of other RZ material) here

… the graphics are all German left-radical posters from the 1960s – 1990s … found on-line at the Nadir Archive …


1. Social Revolution Against Imperialist Refugee Policies / 1989

2. Revolutionary Cells Communique / June 11, 1991

3. Statement Concerning The Attack On Hanno Klein / June 15, 1991

4. Statement Concerning The Attack On The Refugee Administration
Centre In Boblingen / August 22, 1991

5. This Is Not A Love Song! / 1991

6. Letter Bombs As An Action Form For Leftists? / 1991

7. Out Into Real Life / 1991

8. Bad News On A Piece Of Paper / December 1991

9. Revolutionary Cell Communique – Tendency For The International Social Revolution / 1992

10. Notes On Bad News: A reaction To A Discussion paper Of The Revolutionary Cells / 1992

rz79b-001Social Revolution Against Imperialist Refugee Policies

They don’t dirty their own hands. They don’t themselves take part in the tortures, the rapes, or the executions of, for example, Kurdish or Tamil men and wimmin. But their rz8business is foul nonetheless. They are a small but effective segment in the international class war against the poor of the three continents. Their weapon is the right to grant asylum. Their protection is the anonymity of the apparatus of justice: the judges of the council chambers for refugees and asylum—seekers of the West German Verwaltungsgerichte. If ever something becomes known about the racist practices of the courts, then it is only in spectacular circumstances – such as the death of a black man from Sierra Leone, who, after he was deported by the 18th court of the Dusseldorf Verwaltzmgsgerichte, was tracked down and murdered in his homeland — the man responsible: Judge Fix.

The speed and exactness with which this judge of the “horror-court” deals out his negative verdicts to asylum-seekers knows a long tradition in Germany. The cynical comment of his superiors: the death of the black African was, in essence, a “fateful incident”.

The daily horror, the regularity of the deportation of refugees from the three continents GerPos41(that is, South America, Africa, and Asia) – the denial of their right to existence.

By far the largest group of those people throughout the world who are forced by circumstances to become refugees are wimmin. Most of those who, despite closed borders, manage to reach the cities are men. Considering the 5-year ban on their working, the ban on moving, the standard of life in the camps, and the perpetual sense of uncertainty, this is a dubious privilege. But it is one which is, nevertheless, better than the life of the wimmin and children, who must fight for their lives each day in the refugee camps of the world’s poorest nations – for example the Kurdish refugees in Turkey, who fled from Iraq to escape German-made gas grenades.

The female refugees who don’t end up here in a bordello or as a purchased spouse, but who rather state their demand for life in the form of an asylum request, have but few chances: sexist violence, according to the German courts, is not a reason to flee – never mind the torture and rape of wimmin from the resistance or from social minorities.

The torture of political prisoners, in Turkey for example, is seen by the courts here as  a natural measure in the interest of national security, and the Oberverwaltungsgericht in Munster, in one major decision, characterized sexist violence against wimmin as  general occurrence, not one which is directed against women as a sex. In this concrete example the court ruled against a womyn from Sri Lanka, stating that a rape in a situation of civil war is an entirely normal phenomenon and is, therefore, no reason for an individual to be granted asylum.

Wimmin are, however, granted the right to asylum if they are the spouse of a recognized male refugee.GerPos88

It is this contempt for wimmin with which they are confronted in the form of sexism both here and at home. The attack on female identity is, in reality, also the fear of the powers-that—be of the globally increasing resistance of wimmin – the resistance of the dispossessed which threatens to cause all power—relationships to collapse.

Today we detonated explosives in the Obverwaltungsgericht in Munster and at the
administrative court in Dusseldorf, because all those who take part in the control and deportation of refugees must know that even they can meet with the solidarity of the oppressed.

In the mean time, we have learned that imperialist refugee policies are not neutral as far as sex is concerned. If men in the cities take up the resistance against institutionalized forms of male domination, then it must not be done merely under the show of seeming equality. That would be no different from a new form of deception, because as men in the cities ourselves, we are ourselves part of the problem, men who profit from sexist and racist power structures. That is why our struggle for the elimination of all dominance—relationships is, in the first place, a contradictory process. Our relationship to the global resistance of wimmin and people of color must be a practical one, and we must attack the institutionalized forms of racism and sexism – solidarity is a principle of struggle.

GerPos137We are today advancing the campaign against imperialist refugee policies which we began in the summer of 1986 when the racist mobilization of refugees arose in the form of a furious campaign against ‘economic refugees‘ and ‘excess foreigners‘.

The result of this well-coordinated campaign by the State was the worsening of living conditions for refugees and the closing of borders. Racist policies on foreigners are part of a global population- and social— plan against the poor masses of the three continents. It is directed against their right to life and an existence here within the centers of imperialism But this plan is also part of domestic social politics here, which is aimed at a new alignment of classes. The division of classes, which is carried out in a racist manner, as well as sexism are the only ideological weapons whereby the ruling elite can divert attention away from the social consequences of capitalist restructuring, the attack on the minimum—wage, the worsening of labor provisions, the dirty, low-paid labor in poor working conditions, the compulsion on the unemployed to find work, and the isolation of the sick and aged.

The propaganda for families, the campaign by the Right against abortion law 218, and the introduction of new reproductive techniques are all part of an attack of the identity of wimmin, who also here are staring, in increasing numbers, to refuse to accept patriarchal structures and are forming a resistance.GerPos102

These population— and social-politics exhibit a character of social Darwinism. These
practices of selection and eradication are becoming more obvious through the way in which asylum-policies and gene— and reproductive—technology are propagandized. In one European research project, “Predicative Medicine”, openly eugenic practices were proposed. In the initial design of new immigration policies, nationalistic and folkish criteria were once more adopted in the legal texts. This design makes the essence of this immigration policy clear: the protection of the ubermenschen from excessive consumers of food, while at the same time utilizing the colored peoples of the three continents as a supply of labor.

According to the plans of the new immigration laws, there will be but minimal improvements for the immigrants who worked here prior to the ban on enrollments in GerPos1071973; it is forbidden for all others to remain here.

The specific conditions of this plan are very vaguely defined, such that immigration administrators can issue limited work permits to the extent that the labor market and political opportunism dictate. The remaining refugees must, therefore, be deported. The increase of thousands of refugees from Eastern Europe is not in contradiction with the restrictive admissions  policies which apply to other refugees.

The migrants from predominantly Germanic regions in Eastern Europe are perfect for insuring the continuance of low—wage politics, which is analagous to the Adenauer policies of just after the war. But they themselves become the object of racism in the society.

The fact that today a membership card to the NSDAP is worth more at the German border than traces of torture on the body of a colored person illustrates full well the continuity of the grosraumpolitiek begun under national-socialism.

Thus, the calibration of refugee policies throughout the United States of Europe, the Europe of the cops and the bosses, is in the interest of the multi-nationals. The calibration of security forces and a decrease in the numbers of admitted refugees were the topics of many conferences and agreements in preparation for Europe‘s internal market, such as the TREVI and the “Schengen Agreement”.GerPos357

Thus, this is about nothing less than the development of a modernized internal social policy. Combined with this are the calibrated mechanisms of the forced mobilization of labor forces from the neighboring regions of poverty and upheaval in the Middle East (including Turkey) and North Africa. ”

In the autumn of 1986, we presented our plan for a campaign against imperialist immigration policies in the form of a proposal to all autonome and social-revolutionary leftist groups in West Germany. We still contend that anti-imperialism in urban centers can only be concrete if it aims at the social conflicts here and if it simultaneously places itself in a class-alliance between the cities here and with the struggling masses of the three continents. In this context, we also see our actions against trans-national corporations as a show of support for the liberation struggle in Southern Africa.

Even if our proposal is not taken up on a large scale, the discussions which developed around the visit of the international murder cartel (IMF) to Berlin were nonetheless an GerPos121important step in the development of an anti-imperialist consciousness among leftists.

That the enemy is not asleep was made clear when the shots rang out on the Starrbahn West. But the shots were but the introduction of a whole wave of repression, whereby the State is trying to dam up all of the militant forms of political resistance which have developed over the last few years since the beginning of the ’80’s. By means of the continual reduction of welfare, the expansion of anti-terrorist laws, and the widened use of the secret service, the radical—Left has been thrust back upon itself. The repression won’t be broken by means of protesting the repression, but rather through the continuance of social—revolutionary politics.

The political developments in this country, in particular the election successes of the neo-fascist groups, have strengthened our opinion that the anti-imperialist politics in the cities can have but one perspective if it has, at the same time, but one answer for the social questions.GerPos138

The heart of the State is the consciousness of the oppressed — revolution is unthinkable without the struggle for the minds of the people. We have never had the illusion that segments of the proletarian youth, the wimmin, the unemployed or other groups in the society would quickly develop a sense of a common interest with refugees and immigrants; sexism and racism are too ingrained for that. But that is exactly why anti-imperialism must be developed so as to break through this barrier.


Revolutionare Zellen


Revolutionary Cells Communique

On June 11, 1991 we placed two incendiary devices inside the Berliner Reichstag [ the building which housed the German parliament through World War II and which is to rz8house the parliament of the new, unified Germany – ed.], to thereby voice our opinion, just a few days before the parliamentary debate concerning where to locate Germany’s future seat of government. Contrary to what the press, the parties and the Senate would have us believe, moving the capital to Berlin would not mean an increase in the standard of living for a majority of Berliners. Quite the contrary, we, those with low income, the unemployed, immigrants, shit-workers, pensioners and welfare recipients, will all be forced out of the city. Berlin is to become a Yuppie-City, where housing units costing 25 DM per square metre will be situated among administrative buildings, corporate headquarters and the luxury apartments of government functionaries. We, the poor, must sit in our concrete boxes in Helldorf and Marzahn and watch as well-dressed yuppies cruise the streets in their expensive cars.

We don’t stand to profit at all during any phase of the building-up period. It has been repeatedly discussed in government circles in Bonn how, for security reasons, West GerPos364German construction firms will have to be employed, since East German firms are undoubtedly riddled with Stasi-people. And what do we stand to gain from housing the seat of government, other than the dubious ‘honour’ of once again being the ‘rightful’ capital of Great Germany? Nothing And many people realize that it’s foolish, at a time when the mood on the streets is more aggressive that it has been for quite some time, to attempt to construct a consensus among all Berliners, or to effect some sort of Berliner-Unity (“Choosing Bonn – A Slap In The Face Of All Berliners” [newspaper headline in Berlin shortly before parliamentary debate – ed.])

Without a doubt, many comparisons will be made in the coming days between our action and the lone-deed of Marinus van der Lubbe in 1933, an act which gave the Nazis an excuse to declare a “State of Emergency” and to persecute thousands of dissidents. We consider this a foolish comparison. Just as ‘real-existing’ socialism is cited as evidence for the impossibility of constructing a different and better society, some cite the Reichstag Fire of ’33 as evidence that militant actions always bring fatal consequences.

But the contexts are very different. Neither are we on the verge of a fascist dictatorship (that is why one cannot attack a symbol of civil society, namely the parliament, withoutGerPos365 also creating as active a unity as possible against the Right), nor was our attack an act of individual desperation. On the contrary, from the discussions which resulted after the collapse of existing socialism, we saw a chance to develop a new, radical and all-encompassing understanding of liberation, one which has nothing whatsoever to do with the bureaucratic regimes of Eastern Europe. Our actions are not expressions of blind rage or empty ideology as the press always likes to say. If we did not think that a free and collective society were possible, then we would have abandoned our struggle long ago.

One precondition for this is that we maintain some political ground and that we name and pursue concrete goals in actual discussions.



Revolutionary Cells

rz79b-001Statement Concerning The Attack On Hanno Klein

The following is a communique which originally appeared in the Berlin autonomist paper Interim. It concerns the fatal letter-bomb attack on Hanno Klein which took place in June of this year. Hanno Klein was a notoriously reactionary high-ranking official in the BerlinGerPos298 Senate’s planning commission who was in charge of drafting plans to gentrify and sanitize Berlin in time to make it an attractive site for the Olympic Games in the year 2000.

The fatal attack on Klein was both significant and controversial. For one thing, it was the work of an as-yet unidentified group, and, with the exception of the RAF executions, fatalaties are rare in attacks from the German left. Also, it was the first time (to our knowledge) that a letter-bomb device has been used in Germany. We expect that the attack aroused some controversy in Germany’s radical-left scene, and we at ATS hope to follow the debate in future issues.

Thankfully, Klein’s central role in the restructuring process underway in Berlin’s inner-city has been documented in the press. Klein – a brutal, arrogant bureaucrat – organized the driving out of residents of Kiez from their neighbourhoods.

Although Klein’s death was not the original intention of the action, since we only meant GerPos369to inflict non-fatal physical harm, his death stands in realistic proportion to the violent scale of the present restructuring process, the ruling power’s comprehensive grasp of the proletarian population, especially women and immigrants. Alongside the systematic liquidation of economic structures in the former-DDR, this process represents his attempt to transform the inner-city according to guidelines set by national and international Capital and also the gentrification associated with the city’s new status as the nation’s capital. The goal: the city centre is to be for the rich, while marginalized people are shuffled off to cement ghettos on the city’s edge. Those responsible for all of this are unmoved by the sufferings of those being displaced. Resistance to these plans, as was evidenced in the Mainerstrasse evictions, is beaten nearly to death with tactics resembling civil war. Considering the pleasure the ruling powers take in the sorrow of displaced persons, how much does the death of the restructuring official Klein really matter?

We had to respond to the war being waged by the city planners, speculators and the politicians against us, the inhabitants of Kiez, a war which has to be seen in the context GerPos367of the restructuring of Berlin to be the command centre for the imperialist powers’ plan to economically exploit the peoples of Eastern Europe. Those pigs have lost their right to remain undisturbed physically, although formerly the resistance had as its aim to avoid, as much as possible, inflicting harm upon them. Those pushing the restructuring forward will have to reckon with this incalculable risk factor – we have to adopt a variety of action methods in building up a proletarian resistance movement which is rooted in the neighbourhoods. Considering the context, the parliament’s imminent approval of the location of the nation’s capital and the sheer brutality of class pressure being applied from those above, we maintain that the attack on Klein, despite what was for us an unexpectedly hefty result, and despite the present weakness of revolutionaries, was appropriate.

To counter the negative press campaign: a premature detonation of the device was ruled out 100% – only the person who opened the letter was in any danger, as there was to be no shrapnel and no chance of fire. Through our own inaccuracy, however, we did not realize how immense the blast would be in the small enclosed room that was Klein’s office.





rz79b-001Statement Concerning The Attack On The Refugee Administration
Centre In Boblingen

Tomorrow morning you listen to the news: “Interior Minister Schaeuble says that Western and Eastern European countries should get together to draft a harmonized, all encompassing defensive strategy to stop the influx of refugees.”rz8

You walk by the bakery. Inside, you hear as the shopkeeper tells her customer: “You have to watch out for them, they always steal.” She means a man with dark skin who is standing in front of one of the shelves.

In the afternoon, you open the newspaper and read the headline: “Fire-bomb Attack on Refugee Centre.” Some of those inside were admitted to hospital suffering from smoke inhalation.

Then you travel into the city-centre. There you meet a Kurdish woman friend. She tells you how her friend, who was deported a week ago, was taken into custody back in Turkey and tortured for several days.

In the evening you go to your favourite bar. A poster there reads: “International Awareness festival with Foreign Food and African Drum Music.”

This is just an out-take of what we hear, see, and read just about every day. Examples of day-to-day racism and genocide, things which refugees and immigrants in this country face on a daily basis.

GerPos120These are situations which have also angered us and caused us to hate those in power who are responsible. Nonetheless, through our political work we know that consternation alone is not sufficient reason for continuing political action. Rather, first you have to analyze the way hierarchy is put together, to see, for example, that racism is an integral part of imperialist exploitation, and that through this racist socialization everyone lives in their own little safe- guarded society. But all of this makes it possible for us to find a starting-point for revolutionary resistance. Being motivated by anger alone can lead you to only see the refugees as victims, instead of seeing any significance in their own forms of day-to-day resistance against repression and the established powers.

It’s necessary that we lay aside our own racist outlook and broaden our perspective. Whether it’s in crowded asylum-centres or villages in the ex-DDR, whether it’s in the administration buildings or on the streets – everywhere the refugees are struggling against discrimination and for the chance to lead decent human lives. They are organizing demonstrations, occupations hunger strikes, and other protests.

Safe-Guarding Power At The Lowest Level

Immigration officials play a central role for immigrants and refugees. They are forever confronted with the institutionalized racism which these officials represent. Requests for entrance into the country are sorted into three categories: those that may stay, those that may work here for a while, and those that are to be deported. Alongside this GerPos123administrative racism, the refugees and immigrants also have to cope with the racism of the typewriter- bastards, who subject them to despotism, harassment, and humiliation. These bureaucrats often like to play with their own sense of power by denying refugees the necessary right to have family members abroad pay them a visit.

Immigrants and refugees continually feel as if they are not wanted here. The prevalent norms in the metropoles do not speak to them, because they can’t fulfil certain criteria: they don’t have the right skin-colour, or they’re not the right gender, they don’t live the right way or conform to the right political convictions, maybe it’s their false culture and religion, or maybe it’s the useless labour they perform, or the fact that their background is in the Three Continents.

The mechanisms that strengthen imperialist, racist, and patriarchical hierarchy reach to the lowest levels:

The bureaucrats admit refugees according to how useful they can be made to be.

The bureaucrats control the day-to-day political activities.

The bureaucrats deliver the deportation notices when the refugees and immigrants are no longer serviceable.

Even the occasional, socially-minded bureaucrat can’t change the fact that he/she is enforcing an imperialist migration policy.

GerPos128Thought is not anonymous. It has a name and an address. – Brecht

On 22.8.91, we detonated an explosive device at the Refugee Administration Centre in the Steinbeisstrasse in Boblingen.

The Attack On De Facto Refugees

With the implementation of the new so-called foreigner regulations on 1.1.91, the ruling powers in Germany took another step against peoples not from EC-nations. This was the foundation for the decision on 3.5.91 at the conference of interior ministers to begin excluding de facto refugees.

More than 50,000 people, who had been admitted to Germany “on account of specific conditions in their nation of origin”, are to be deported, only to be hunted down and killed. Christian and humanitarian groups protested the planned mass- deportations, so much so, that a new interior ministers conference was held on 15.7.91.

The ruling powers changed the modality of the deportation and concentrated on another strategy. The virtual prohibition against deportations to certain countries was done away with.

The fact that this policy only applies to those de facto refugees who came here after 1.1.89 does not in any way alter Germany’s cynical conduct of deporting refugees back to war zones and nations in crisis.

Those regulations are full of bureaucratic and organizational possibilities for those who handle the deportation. We see this as an attempt to pacify the reformist and Christian spectrum and to split up and isolate any resistance to these policies.

The only hope left for those living under the threat of deportation is their individual case study. Many realize that this is virtually hopeless, and so they leave “willingly”, usually to live illegally in another country.

War Against The Selection And Division Of Immigrants And Refugees

As the Schengen Agreement creeps ever closer, life for refugees and immigrants in EC-GerPos132nations grows ever more difficult. France, for example, wants to initiate raids to round up and deport more than 70,000 legal and illegal immigrants. One spokesperson for the French government termed this policy against illegals “an inevitable war.”

There’s a war going on in Italy at present as Albanian refugees fall victim to brutal repression. The Italian officials didn’t think twice about herding thousands of Albanians into a football stadium in Bari. The deaths and injuries which resulted from poor living conditions, a lack of medical attention, and the police’s use of weapons didn’t upset them much.

Refugees often find themselves in a war-like situation when they are forced to flee life-threatening conditions in Mahgreb and cross the sea to Spain.

Pretty soon, the border between North and South will be a war- zone, much the way it has been in the U.S., where for years shots have been fired at immigrants trying to cross the Rio Grande. In the meantime, it’s plainly visible what this special war looks like and how it’s developing in the metropole-states.

The mainstream media are propagating the frightening view of the ruling powers that we are facing a “flood of refugees”, as if it wasn’t known that the majority of migrants (80% of whom are women and children) are in flight within the Three Continents themselves. Only a handful of people who are on the run make it to Europe. Just the GerPos89same, it’s well known that the imperialist, patriarchal, and racist policies of exploitation of the metropole- states leads to massive disruptions of the subsistence economies of
the countries on the Three Continents.

That is one of the major causes of world-wide migration.

The consequences of this exploitation affect both men and women. Women, however, have less hope than men of finding paid work in another country, or on another continent. They are less mobile, because usually they are required to care for families. When they do flee, it’s usually to a neighbouring region or to a bordering nation, where they vegetate in a refugee camp, or they try to survive in the slums of the big cities. “At best” the youngest and healthiest of these are given work in some corporation’s factory. Many women have no other option but to become prostitutes. Often they have to cater to white sex-tourists.

In the last few years, more women have reached the rich metropoles from the Three Continents and Eastern Europe. Here they find a patriarchal society which treats them as a mere appendage to a man with no individual rights, and a sexist climate which forces them to prostitute their bodies and minds to the sexist interests of white men.

Even in the metropoles, the women have the duty to “reproduce” their men.

Women-specific grounds for flight are not recognized in present asylum-regulations. As wives, they are not entitled to their own guaranteed, individual right to asylum.GerPos130

Very few men and women have the good luck to make it to the rich nations of the North.

They are concrete results of imperialist plundering, ecological devastation, and the resulting wars and national liberation struggles.

Of this, immigrants write:

“Today, as more than 20 million immigrants are presently residing in European countries, no one can any longer ignore the reality that poverty leads to migration; a migration towards wealth. The causes of this migration are 500 years of colonial history, neo- colonialism, and the present-day export and war-oriented economies. This centuries-long history of colonialist and imperialist exploitation has led to hunger and poverty throughout much of the world. It has also allowed people in the metropoles to live in privileged welfare-societies. Therefore, those people that live in poverty have every right to migrate to places where there is wealth and to live there. Period. It doesn’t matter why they’re there. This migration can be seen as a type of war. It’s a sort of manoeuvre against those things which caused the poverty, and it helps ensure that centuries of injustice become to some degree redressed.” (from Radikal No. 142)

This old ‘new’ world order, which is allowing the veneer of the ruling power’s treatment of refugees and immigrants to be stripped away, points out, to anyone willing to look, just exactly how the imperialist plan functions on a global scale. The status quo in the rich and relatively pacified metropoles can only be maintained if 3/4 of the world is made dependent.

Systematic destitution and extermination are a given. The fact that, meanwhile, several nations and halves of continents just get written off hardly bothers any citizens in the GerPos105metropoles.

In Europe, Germany’s politics sets the standards for the deportation-war which the other European states have to try and match.

The ruling powers are preparing for this war: judicially, politically, ideologically, and militarily.

They want to pick out those people from the Three Continents, and soon from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, whose ideas, language, and appearance make them possibly acceptable, and then exclude all the rest, so far as they can’t be made use of temporarily.

Reuter of Daimler-Benz [German multi-national], and Geibler, of the CDU [Christian Democrats – ed.] agree on the German and European restrictions: “letting in immigrants in the correct proportions” is the way of the future. As to what proportions they think are correct, we can only guess.

Immigrants and refugees wouldn’t be any problem if they just resign themselves to a “profit-making life-style”.

Either as under-paid non-troublesome hamburger-producers at McDonalds or as Czechoslovakian or Polish seasonal workers on farms or in the construction or food industry or as forced-labourers working for $2.50 an hour in the forests near Bayer, or as erotic-exotic prostitutes and/or house-wives, or as service workers catering to the needs of tedious Germans – in these capacities they are more than welcome.

The selection criteria are nothing more than invisible parts of a politics of selection and exclusion.

All across Europe, refugees and immigrants are being sorted out, assigned to certain tasks, utilized in sex-specific ways, exchanged, and controlled.

It’s important that their potential uses be discovered as quickly as possible – the European selection-experts are standing by, ready.GerPos106

Those that are sorted out, like the Roma, will hardly ever be able to enter a rich European metropole-state again.

Roma are always the last to be brought here, they are the least wanted and they are always the first to be deported.

That’s how, along side sexism, a multi-cultural, but nonetheless hard-hitting racism functions as an instrument of power.

The Helplessness Of The Left

The immigrants and refugees that come here have to worry about their chances for survival, their health, and their dignity. The ruling powers, unlike the metropolitan left, have known this for some time now.

Of this, immigrants write:

“Unfortunately, most of the anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist left in this country can’t come to terms with this anti-imperialist approach. This process of migration, which is the result of the banishment and uprooting of millions of people, and which must also be understood as an inherited rage and declaration of war against capital, has left the German left in a state GerPos109of helplessness and paralysis”. (from: Radikal No. 142)

When the left “only” concerns itself with the off-shoots of this migration-politics and merely makes selective adoptions into its post-modern life-style, then it’s actually helping to reinforce global exploitative relationships.

“Profit’, which is always lacking, corrupts and throws a smokescreen over our view of patriarchal, racist, and imperialist interests.

It allows protests against deportations to be reduced to crocodile tears, and it hinders the development of an authentic, radical approach.

What To Do? What To Do!

The seeds of division which the ruling imperialists are sowing in the refugee-policy resistance movement are the practical result of our own anti-imperialist understanding.

Solidarity does not end with supporting national liberation struggles, but rather it also manifests itself in our practical solidarity with refugees and immigrants in this country. It finds its natural expression in attacks against those responsible for deportations, attacks on the typewriter-bastards, attacks on the white-collar bastards who seek to exclude people.GerPos113

Anti-imperialism has only with difficulty come to play a fundamental role in leftist theory and praxis, but the patriarchal and racist foundations of global, exploitative relationships have, in the last few years, become part of the left-radical spectrum of

We are struggling for a non-hierarchical society.

To achieve this we must point out the different forms of oppression and social contradictions which we seek to abolish. We connect freedom to the abolition of the global exploitation of people and the ending of violent patriarchal and racist conditions.

We are struggling as a white organization for an anti-racist society, and we seek to develop this through our own discussions and praxis. So we’re more concerned with asking questions than providing ready answers.

Therefore, our point of departure, our political goal, and our daily political praxis must be continually discussed and reviewed.

Our credibility can’t merely manifest itself in writings, but must also be shown in our praxis.

We are in solidarity with the refugees and immigrants, and we see our position accordingly. Mistakes and contradictions will always be present, of course.

GerPos127We aren’t struggling on behalf of the refugees and immigrants.

Nonetheless, we hope that we can develop a political force along with them, as well as with other social groups.

We see our autonomous organizing and praxis as the basis for this perspective. Those that can work together and work in coalitions and mixed groups will be victorious. The question for us is, how can we add to this, and what initiatives should we take
from our side?

As white leftists and white feminists, we profit from racist oppression and we realize that it’s simplistic to think that by pushing back against the system we can automatically be on the other side. As white men and women we have to be conscious that we are part of a long history of colonialist and imperialist plunder and that we are part of a diverse resistance of people against this.

We see the difficult, but unavoidable task ahead of us, in our situation as a metropolitan left, of rooting out this history and approaching it critically.

This is both a theoretical and a practical process, one which is not individualized and easy, but one which will have to be developed along with people from the anti-imperialist resistance and with the refugees and immigrants themselves. In this way,
international solidarity can be given real life, and if it’s practical, we can direct this GerPos102against those responsible for imperialist destruction, without denying our own metropolitan history.

To bring about this internationalist understanding, we see the need for, and we work toward, the abolition of racist control mechanisms aimed at splitting up and exploiting people. This is part of both our own liberation, and the liberation from all the power structures. Sure, the road will be long and full of contradictions, but we have no alternative.

That’s why we have to break through our daily acceptance of racist and sexist attacks, and be sensitive to and active on all levels of political development. That means bringing those in charge of refugee politics out of anonymity, to bring to light and attack the daily forms of racism that refugees and immigrants are continually confronted with. The work of the pigs seeking to deport asylum-seekers must be practically hindered, wherever possible.

We must realize that few people in the metropoles, at present, feel themselves to be in solidarity with the refugees and immigrants. Nonetheless, our struggle has as its goal the
development of such solidarity, and to therewith confront the divisive and exploitative devices of the ruling powers.

Revolutionary Cellsrz79b-001

This Is Not A Love Song!

(Almost like in real life)

In the early summer, in a former FDJ retirement home, three no longer very young people met each other: HerMann (with a capital M), Arthur, and Zorro. After they had all broken the ice, and HerMann and Zorro had partook of the Crimean champagne which rz8had been brought along, then Arthur, according to his daily ritual, sat himself in front of his black and white television set. It was only just after ten thirty when Arthur thought the unofficial servants of the Bonn government were playing a joke on him. And even hours later, when both his friends had sobered up again and the first brawl since their meeting had ended up in HerMann’s favour, Arthur swore that he had not dreamed it all. Fredrichs had reported, with a particularly cunning grin, that, concerning the question of where to locate Great Germany’s capital city, that the Revolutionary Cells had also just cast their vote in favour of Bonn. The Reichstag – the nation will be glad to know – was not badly burned, and no one had been hurt, but rather part of the area housing the exhibit of German history had been burnt through to the aluminum girders. For a few moments, the power in the FDJ home went out, and incredible laughing broke out in all the housing units, and the three friends began discussing the just-mentioned incident. Arthur, out of fear lest someone should have been injured, became so enraged that he threw an ash tray at the government official. HerMann and Zorro smashed in the TV, because this jeopardized the security of their town. Meanwhile, Arthur had screamed, and then somewhat more explained what had happened in Berlin, and then a terrible argument ensued, in which Arthur explained the problem of such an action given the history of the Reichstage fire of 1933. Zorro thought that the target was inappropriate, since the real struggle is against urban restructuring, so they ought to have attacked Daimler, and not done just an isolated action, but rather one out of a mass campaign, like against the project in the Potsdamer Platz. When HerMann added, Bonn or Berlin, Daimler or whoever, the action must be anti-patriarchical, and they should have first asked the Rote Zoras to define the problem according to male domination, then something suddenly struck Zorro…

(In real life…)

…these people, of course would not laugh about us. The situation for us is also bitterly serious. We think that what militant groups have done over the last few months represents the unfortunate side of what several generations of militants since the GerPos26beginning of the 70’s have struggled for. We are referring to the shooting of the US-embassy in Bonn by a RAF commando at the beginning of February, and the blowing up of the Victory Pillar in Berlin and the fire-bombing of the Reichstag by the RZ’s in recent weeks. And especially we refer to the fatal letter-bomb attack on the Berlin city-planner Klein. Since the anonymous statement of responsibility made clear that the authors come from out of the Left, we felt it was critically necessary to draft a piece on the connection between politics and morals. Given the current political situation, in which the Left has become almost meaningless, this discussion is almost existential. Given the social marginalization of leftist politics, and militant politics especially, violent revolutionary tactics need to be exceedingly responsible and precise. It’s our mission in this situation to display an essentially exemplary character. The above-mentioned actions did not display such responsibility. They all claim to give correct answers to some of the pressing questions of our time, nonetheless they can simply be reduced to revolutionary violence.

The shooting of the US embassy in Bonn by a RAF commando was described in the decidedly bankrupt communique as an action of a united fraction of Germany’s armed Left. Not only were uninvolved people endangered by this meaningless shooting, but, to make matters worse, these people were part of the anti-war movement, people who must be seen as potential allies. It would be better if an armed group with such “terrorist GerPos30scare-tactics” weren’t in the scene at all. The reference in the communique to having ruled out any danger to those not involved by using tracer ammunition is nothing more than unsurpassable cynicism. With their attack on the politically insignificant memorial to German militarism of 1871, the Victory Pillar in Berlin, a group from the Revolutionary Cells showed how insignificant and misplaced in time and space they are. The attempt to remove the golden monument from its base was, considering the outbreak of the Gulf War, inappropriate and ridiculous. Apart from that, since the action was mistimed, our comrades proved that they have no answers to the objective questions which their attack raised, namely the connection between nationalism, racism, and sexism and their own political praxis. There is no political orientation in their communique which reveals our comrade’s false label. They mistakenly see clarity where it does not exist – for example the connection between militancy and anti-patriarchal resistance by men. As for the fire-bombing of the German history exhibit in the Reichstag at the beginning of June, the old militant wisdom is here appropriate, namely that an action against a false object is a false action, even if the communique explains it otherwise. In the piece with our name entitled “A vote for Bonn”, it states that a precondition to any struggle should be that we “maintain some political ground and that we name and pursue concrete goals”. At least that’s what they said, but neither this action nor the content of their communique really point to this. As for a concrete political goal or a crystallization point – something which those struggling against restructuring could orient themselves towards – neither were named. What remained after the action was the reference to the ruling-power’s debate about the “capital city question”. And considering the Reichstag fire of 1933, this action was nothing but a farce. This place, considering its historical significance, is not at all a good target for militant GerPos52political attacks. The Reichstag is a symbol of German nationalism, this is true, but it is also a symbol of the defeat of the Left in Germany. As for their allusion in the communique to the “lone deed of Marinus van der Lubbe, nevertheless the detailed relevant circumstances of the fire bomb attack to today were not clarified. It is “foolish” to do an action against such an object whose symbolism is not unambiguous and which itself does not convey a clear message.

The death of the Berlin construction official Klein by an explosion from a letter-bomb provoked discussions as to the goals and motives of the attackers. In the communique from an anonymous group on June 15, it was stated that Klein’s death was not intentional, but was the result of an “inacurracy”, but nonetheless, the risk to anyone not involved while the letter was in the all was “ruled out 100%”. They can hardly have known that the construction official himself, and not some secretary, was to have opened the letter. For punishment actions, as for any other action, the same rule of political critique applies, namely that it must be ruled out entirely that the person attacked could be accidently killed, or that uninvolved person stand any chance of being endangered, even if such risks mean increasing the risks to ourselves. In the eyes of the State, people are just chess figure; but our struggle does not play with the lives of people! The coldness with which the authors of the statement dismiss the fatal results of their action reveals their incompetence, as neither the intended political effect of the action, nor any ideas as to how the action might contribute to the further development of resistance to the restructuring in Berlin were mentioned by the authors.GerPos48

This incompetence characterizes itself in a disas­trous tendency towards militarism. So its not surprising that “war” is the central theme in the communique.

This fatal tendency towards militarism has always resulted in actions with negative political consequences: the Karry action, the shootings on the Startbahn, and the murder of the US soldier Pimental. This list should not be lengthened.

This tendency is the expression of the desperation of one faction of the Left which refuses to learn from history; a faction which only grounds itself in a subjective connection to the State and Capital, and whose praxis is not oriented towards the political goal of the anchoring and broadening of revolutionary politics in the social processes of the society.

We reject political assassinations as a revolutionary political method, because we feel that the position of social struggle in this country is far from that point, and because liquidating political opponents reduces every­thing to a power/survival question. We are struggling for people’s consciousness, as well as for our own – not for power.

Political assassinations are not legitimized by merely looking at the functions of our GerPos65opponents, as the RAF has been preaching for some time. This political approach must be wholly disregarded, because the only basis for this is that a previously anonymous typewriter-culprit can be called a murderer. Their death doesn’t give anyone time to breathe, and the act has nothing liberating or mobilizing about it. Quite the contrary – the inflation­ary effect of this method causes the revolutionary appeal to liberation to collapse upon itself. This method in revolutionary struggle is nothing but spectacle.

A militant left which lightly brushes off the abso­lutely compulsory considerations of politics and morals and which loses its scruples – this symptom of conscience which, which distinguishes revolutionary women form men – loses its credibility and its ability to call for a revolutionary struggle for an unhierarchical society.

Many people will probably ask what the subjectiv­ism, the militarism, and the damaged revolutionary moral which displayed themselves in the Klein action have to do with our criticizing of the above-mentioned actions of the Revolutionary Cells. What they have in common is their character of irresponsible activism, which turns militant action into a fetish.

This praxis aims at spectacle, it replaces political intervention with publicity-getting. It does not convey any hope of liberation, but rather diffusely displays in public some explanations of the uses of fire, explosives, or weapons. It has given up criticizing revolutionary methods, or rather has forgotten to, since it has long since lost that orientation. It becomes a tragic figure, because it becomes the victim of its own mythology.

Militant actions have as their goal the sharpening of social contradiction, the advancing of social structures, and the protecting or widening of struggled-after free spaces. They should expose the violence of the System, giving name to injustice sabotage projects ofGerPos84 the ruling powers, and disrupt the repressive social control of the System. They should confront the ruling powers politi­cally, making them either insecure or making them ap­pear ridiculous.

Militant actions – as we understand our actions against Germany’s racist and sexist Asylum politics – are a means to political intervention which we won’t re­nounce.

We don’t advocate that all the Left arm itself – quite the contrary, the militant and armed resistance movement is but an important, clenched-fist pledge for future struggles.

-a group from the traditional line of the Revolutionary Cells.


Letter Bombs As An Action Form For Leftists?

This piece is being written under the assumption that the statement released concerning the death of Hanno Klein was written by the same people who in fact sent the letter GerPos338bomb, and that the statement released reflected their political position. I’m also assuming that the action was carried out by comrades from our movement.

Just when I thought I could say of the attack, “it seems the construction mafia have killed off their talented chief themselves”, what should happen but on the following Monday a communique appeared which greatly shocked me. The authors stated that their intention had not been to kill Klein. That things turned out other than they had hoped didn’t seem to bother the authors that much. Nevertheless, they didn’t simply hospitalize someone for a few weeks, rather they killed him. There is quite a substantial difference as far as I’m concerned. With plenty of rhetoric (“He had lost…his right to physical security.”) they try to explain everything away. They felt no need to discuss the positive effects on people’s current situation which the death of Klein has brought about. Not a word about whether the action was a correct one given their political outlook. It seems it never occurred to them that such actions don’t always go as one plans. They write that a premature detonation was impossible, but this contention seems utterly foolish to me. That’s simply untrue. Even when you’ve gone over everything again and again, there are still situations which you can’t anticipate, but which you nevertheless must allow for. (Ever heard of the dangers of surviving fragments from such bombs, something even AKW-agents concede?)GerPos157

They write, only the person who actually opened the letter was in any danger. They’re lucky that the person for whom the letter was intended in fact opened it. What if, being concerned that “his life might be in danger”, he had questioned what was in the package? What if the thing hadn’t fit through his mail slot, been returned to sender, and then been detonated by someone there? And so on… I don’t think they considered any of these possibilities, otherwise they wouldn’t have chosen this method for their action.

I just can’t understand what made them go and use such a method. What sort of discussion are they trying to initiate? To my knowledge, until now there have not been any leftist letter bomb attacks which have wounded individuals in West Germany, West Berlin or East Germany. And for good reasons. There have been discussions on whether such actions are appropriate or not. Bomb-scares (and not actually placing a device) are a tactic commonly employed by right-wing groups, and these have the effect of striking fear into those not directly intended. We must not start thinking: it can happen to GerPos161anyone. No, just the opposite: only the bastards (and, yes, it’s difficult to establish “borders between people and bastards”) should have to fear for their safety and property. The only previous leftist attack which in any way resembles this letter bomb action was the fire bombing of two banks where the bombs were deposited as if they were letters. These never got into the hands of bank employees because they had been fitted with acid fuses, but those are actually very imprecise. And after the
action, this fact was openly discussed. The recent letter bombers must have known of this discussion, unless they only moved to Berlin yesterday.

As for their last sentence (“Through our inexactness, we didn’t anticipate the full force of the blast…”): the blast could not have been that big. Anyone who saw the photos in the daily papers could see the window panes were still intact and the furniture was hardly damaged, much less destroyed.

I can understand that one wouldn’t necessarily go into all these matters in a statement designed to be read by the mainstream media. But for internal discussions, which obviously can’t be conducted in person, one has to be a lot more thorough. I hope that such a discussion is possible in this paper.

Until then!

(from Interim #153)


Out Into Real Life

A Response To “This Is Not A Love Song” from an RZ – Group Of The Traditional Line

The following is reprinted from the Berlin autonomist weekly Interim, and is a continuation of the debate and discussion that has appeared in previous issues of Arm The Spirit.

A response to “This Is Not A Love Song” from an RZ – group of the traditional line.

We also think that a discussion about politics and morals, not just about the praxis, aim and direction of militant armed actions is unavoidable.GerPos296

Nevertheless, we regard the discussion and also the often well-timed critique of actions rather differently; for us it is impossible to lump together and negatively criticize actions which are, for very basic reasons, quite distinct. In our opinion, the RAF attack on the U.S. embassy in Bonn, the RZ attacks on the Victory Pillar and the Reichstag and the murder of Hanno Klein, have very little in common.

So we would like to briefly sketch out what these various actions meant to us and, we’d like to examine the criticisms which you raised.

Concerning the shots fired by the RAF at the U.S. embassy in Bonn, 2/91:

We were very pleased when we heard about this, because we saw that our comrades from the RAF were adding their part to the anti-war mobilization, and since they were probably as taken by surprise by events as we were,  and that they sought to do something fast and with the means that were most easily available to them.

Of course, the shots were “only” of a symbolic nature, but shots fired on an American embassy are in line with other sorts of actions, both inside and outside the metropoles, against embassies and other U.S concerns. The fact that the shots were fired on an GerPos297American embassy in the Federal Republic of Germany was certainly something which must have become known outside our borders. And in this way, people on the Three Continents, and especially in the Arab territories, could be shown that, even in the metropoles, there are people in solidarity with them. Such was this action, and though perhaps just a minor one, it must nonetheless be seen as a way of expressing international solidarity. To do anything more at the time was impossible. If pig’s blood had been spilt, of if the attack had been a lot more serious, the we wouldn’t have found it quite so appropriate. But their action was appropriate, and we approve of how they did it, and as for their assessment of the anti-war movement, we think they wrote a damn good and understandable communique.

Most people, it’s true, probably had a negative association in mind when they heard the name of the group responsible. (Why do we get hung up on mistakes?)

And why do you all get so hung up on the allegedly endangered people at the vigil? With your remark that “by means of a pointless shooting people from the anti-war movement were endangered” you make it seem as if the vigil was right in the line of fire. The fact was, however, that the tracer bullets would not have resulted in “fatal shots,” rather they were mixed in so that no one would run in the wrong direction, that is, into the line of fire. And whether someone finds the communique correct or not results from looking closely and interpreting it after-the-fact. (Something we did ourselves.) In any case, an “unsurpassable cynicism” it certainly wasn’t!GerPos259

Beside, we don’t in any way see how the shooting was supposed to be the “invalid and bankrupt expression of a united faction of the armed Left.” What standards were applied to this faction? What expectations of the guerrilla lie behind this? Aren’t they allowed to cause less that 100,000 DM of damage, or to make a rather light action? Or does that fact that a vigil was nearby make the whole communique invalid and bankrupt? Or should these over-zealous formulations only serve to provoke  (shoot and we all fall in together)?

However this may be, for us, the guerrilla is not a myth of that which we should like to see, a level at which most of us are not involved, but, rather, the guerrilla is struggling people, people who sometimes make mistakes and who can change their methods of action. And that’s something we would love to see, if they would adjust these changes and differences, as broadly as possible a little more.

We don’t want to write any more about this now, but rather we’d like to leave this discussion be.

Concerning the attempted attack of an RZ on the Victory Pillar in Berlin, 01/91:

Of course, this action will hardly make the Top Ten List of Actions for 1991, and the statement released was also not exactly what we expect in an explanation which is supposed to have a mobilizing, clarifying and adjusting effect. But does this justify such GerPos260harsh words like “misplaced in time and space” and “inappropriate and ridiculous?” Is your cynical, authoritative condemnation justified? We don’t think so, and we don’t think you described the situation correctly. The Victory Pillar is not just any old crumbling statue which you might find standing in someone’s garden, but rather a definite symbol of militarism, which, you’re right, did not disappear after 1871, but also represents a pure glorification of war and especially of German imperialist dominations, pure and simple. And the Revolutionary Cell responsible pointed to this continuity, which showed itself in the military build-up of 1936 and in the crowning glory [ the Gulf War – ed] of this past year. You all, however, neglect this point and refer to them as “ridiculous.” If the attack had been successful, then certainly it would have roused people’s attention outside of Berlin and eventually people could have taken note of this continuity and social disorder [because of the war – ed] could have spread.

The fire-bombing of the Reichstag by an RZ, 6/91

The question which comes to our mind here is not one of a false object, rather we see the problem primarily in a false grounding. The goal we found correct, because the Reichstag, situated as it is under the Brandenburg Gate, is a symbol of the Reunification and all of the developments associated with that. An attack against this, we feel, speaks for itself.

But nonetheless, how do we intervene against placing the seat of government in Berlin? And how do we come to grips with the fact that there has to be some city somewhere for them to sit their fat asses down in? The entire campaign was one of self-interest to begin with. Our Kiez, our city, we must demonstrate against every pig that comes our way …GerPos299 but for those people here, in Eastern Europe, and on the Three Continents who are being exploited and oppressed, it really makes no difference to them whether the decisions are made in Bonn or Berlin. And the wealthy and the speculators, flanked by their Olympia horror, hurl themselves into this city regardless. In other words, our struggle against restructuring, rents and the Olympics must be oriented toward other points and societal dis …

As for questions such as “Where should we locate the capital?”, we not waste our energy.

About the letter-bomb attack on Hanno Klein, 6/91:

The murder of Hanno Klein is so full of particular circumstances that it’s absolutely impossible to discuss it in the same breath as the other actions. In our minds, it has by no means been proven that the attack came out of our spectrum. On the contrary, we hardly think it could have been; and to honest, we would have very little desire to work along with such folks and to be considered in the same bunch as them. Not because they killed the bastard, but rather because of the matter-of-fact way with which they dealt with a  human life. In this instance, we fully agree with you and with the other criticisms concerning this attack.

But, like we said, we don’t think this attack came from the Left. Our main reason for thinking this is the communique itself. It is written is such a cold and hard to, and if you GerPos321examine it closer, certain absurdities become clear. The beginning bit about the press, words which we are not used to seeing used in such statements, and there is no unity in style either. It reads as if they had pasted together little bits from various posters and statements. We sat back and considered whether papers from the left-radical resistance are usually so rhetorical, and so we went back and read a bunch of past statements. We found nothing that resembled the Klein communique. So we think that whatever happened was, there was a murder for whatever reason, and those responsible sought to cover their own trail by seeming to make communists and the whole Left scene in general responsible.

Other reasons for our thinking this are the metal fragments, which could not have proven harmful (according to the statement), but which lacerated Klein’s face nonetheless. So that would make it seem as though the authors of the statement were not the same ones who built the bomb; to our knowledge the press made no mention previously about metal fragments. Moreover, there was no signature, and the statement was not released until three days later. No, we don’t want to do the pig’s work for them, but we like to make a call that such things be examined more closely in future.

In short, then, we oppose how you lump all of the above actions together until the title of “totally irresponsible activism, militarism and a loss of political morals.” This does apply to the Klein action, as we said, but the other actions, because of their context, and because of how they turned out, cannot be lumped together in this way. In principle, they were, especially the shots fired at the U.S. embassy, good and well-directed actions.

In a phase of relative stagnation, such as we presently find ourselves in, it is not only advisable to develop a thorough critique, but this should a central activity. And we GerPos307should also defend and critically analyze attacks and armed actions and groups. (Fuck off worn-out rhetoric, which barely expresses more that what was meant.)

We detect little of either in what you all wrote. You all write about the utter necessity of militant actions which are well-aimed and understood. And yet reading your text gives the impression that you have wholly sworn off militant activism. That’s because you take these actions and criticize them so harshly that nothing redeeming remains. You don’t mention a single action that you approve of. Instead, you just paint a picture of “cynical, ridiculous, militarist, foolish” militancy.

You don’t name anything which, in you eyes, could serve as a good example. But what about the RZ attack on the NATO pipeline? Or Thomas Muntzer’s Wild Hordes? Or who about the attack by the Flamende Herzen?

Whey do you only find fault in others, complain, and then remain in your own moral corner?

When it comes to militant actions, we think the most important things to do is to find a minimum consensus on forms of action; for example, uninvolved persons must NEVER be harmed. And at the same time, we must represent and propagate the need for and the legitimacy of these forms of action.

Shit! We still haven’t come out into real life!

Actually we hadn’t only wanted to criticize your thoughts on these things, but we ourselves wanted to closely examine when and where we think militant actions can be GerPos345bmost effective. But it would probably be better just to say in general what mistakes we have observed. As for the function of political assassinations, we’d like to say something else, but, alas, it’s late and we’d like to be done with this by morning. So, we aren’t going to put any more of our thoughts on paper right now.

But we hope to write some more in the future, and hopefully draw more people into this discussion.

In closing … don’t get mad at us if we seemed snotty at times. We think it’s great that you initiated this discussion, raised the questions you did and pushed for a more careful approach to things, ok?



maja and kowski


Bad News On A Piece Of Paper

Today, that my friends are dying only their names are dying.
How can one hoperz8
to understand more than the letters out of this violent hope
glimmer of tender blackness
arrows into known memories?
Only those
who live outside the prisons
can honour the dead bodies,
cleanse themselves from
the pain about their dead with hugs, can scratch the tombstones
with nail and tears.
But not the prisoners: we can only whistle, so that the echo
calms the news.

Roque Dalton

Gerd Albartus Is Dead

1. He was shot back in December 1987, after he had been put before a tribunal and sentenced to death by a group which considers itself to be part of the Palestinian resistance and which he had worked for.

RZFGerdWe received the news only a long time afterwards. Until then we had assumed that Gerd had not returned from a journey to the group, because he knew about the house raids, prosecutions, and arrests in Germany in 1987 and feared that he too would be arrested if he were to return.

Attempts to gather information about his whereabouts were fruitless and left us with this assumption. We, like most of his friends who were concerned about him, figured this as an opportunity to escape from police surveillance and harassment, which had intensified since his time in prison. We were convinced that he had “gone underground” – but not within our framework, but in some other safe place and with a political association he had ties with.

The fact that more time passed before we decided to make our knowledge of his death public was our decision. Our attempts to come up with some sort of adequate answer, given the monstrosity of this act, one which would fulfill the need for revenge without hitting false targets, were unsuccessful. We failed in our attempt to find some way to express our horror and sorrow beyond a mere bit of news on paper. In a sense, going public with this means a capitulation instead of advancing claims.GerPos259

Naturally, there were and are controversies involved in going public. The charge was made that we would only be paying tribute to the spirit of the times by clearing off a clean slate exactly at a point in time when getting even with leftist history is already a question of good taste. The text, it was said, would just fall back at our own feet, after adding more fuel to the well-known cliches about the spiral of violence within armed fighting groups. Beyond this, we were warned about weakening Palestinian solidarity. Making such a report public would automatically fall back on the entire Palestinian resistance, because no one would be able to see through the network of Palestinian organizations and fractions, and since we obviously couldn’t add detailed facts and concrete information. This – in the wake of the Gulf War and the ridiculous pro/anti-Israel debate which arose – would be send a bad signal, and that making such a statement public would unleash a flood of reactions which we would neither be able to overlook nor taken responsibility for.

We ultimately got past all of these objections, even though they made us hesitate for quite some time. The legitimate fear of playing into the hands of the other side should not, however, be an excuse for sweeping dirt under the carpet. This fear has all-too-often been used as a pretext for silence. Maybe we have to rethink some things, to learn that lies and self-deception only add more to our defeat than does an open discussion of our internal contradictions – even considering the danger that the enemy may benefit from this. Those who dream of liberation but don’t want to know of the dark sides of liberation cling to naive notions of revolution which can never lead to its reality. We do not want to cling to legends and images, which are due more to naive projections or a process of repression than to our own experiences. Are we of any use to anyone if we GerPos69proclaim a false sense of unity behind the banner of internationalism while behind the facade the contradictions clash with one another? Only if we have a discussion without illusions about real political and ideological contradictions will we know how to deal with them when confronted with them.

This isn’t about making revelations or accusations – even if we can’t prevent the text from being used in a way which we disapprove of. We do not share the fear that we are giving ammunition to the other side. This side was not badly armed in recent times, and if they were lacking ammunition, they could freely take it from the Stasi-archives. Those who want to strike out at us don’t need to wait for anything from our side, but they can decide for themselves when the time is right – it doesn’t matter if it’s true. And if we are giving new information to the cops, then the only result will be the disbanding of a target prosecution team.

The meaning of this publication is very simple: we want to prevent a comrade of ours from disappearing without a trace. We want to counter-act the notion that one of us can be executed without any opposition, even if we lack the concrete means to get revenge. We want to remove any doubts about the justification for this decision, which is in line with our standards. And finally we want to put an end to the horrific-grotesque state which his relatives and friends are in: the false certainty that he, albeit far away and untraceable, is OK.

For us, Gerd’s personal integrity is above reproach. We only have vague information about the accusations made against him by the group, but even more details could not shake our certainty that there could not possibly have been a reason to execute him. Whatever the motives were of those who killed him, they lie beyond his person.
On the contrary – they belong to the macabre paradoxes of this story, that Gerd, in whose political biography support for the Palestinian resistance stood central, has fallen victim to one of those groups which counts itself as part of this resistance.GerPos193

2. Our knowledge about this group and about Gerd’s relationship to it is limited. The connections go back to a time some years ago when we underwent a major change of political focus. How these associations have changed in the meantime, we don’t know.
The time we are talking about is the time after the failed liberation of prisoners at the end of June 1976. A four-person commando, consisting of two Palestinians and two RZ members, Brigitte Kuhlmann and Wilfried “Bonni” Boese, had hijacked an Air France airbus and demanded the release of 50 imprisoned comrades, held for the most part in German and Israeli jails. On board the plane, which took off in Tel Aviv and stopped in Athens before attempting to fly to Paris until it was redirected to Entebbe [Uganda -ed.), were more than 250 passengers, among them 100 Israeli citizens or Jews of other nationalities. After the non-Jewish passengers had been released a few days later, the commando extended its ultimatum to give more time for negotiations. The Israeli government, however, used this time to plan a military solution. During the night of July 4/76, a special military unit raided the Entebbe airport and made a bloody ending to the kidnapping. All of the members of the commando were killed and none of the prisoners whose release had been demanded were set free.

It took years before we could come to grips with this setback. Because we were so struck at the loss of our friends, we weren’t at first able to comprehend the political dimension GerPos197of the catastrophe. Instead of realizing what we were accused of, namely that we had participated as an organization in an operation during which Israeli citizens and Jews of other nationalities were singled out and taken as hostages, we instead focussed on the military aspect of the operation and its violent ending. The calculations of the regime should not be proven correct. In order to at least keep the option of the liberation of the imprisoned comrades open, we needed to act and not be hindered by the alarming news about the course of the kidnapping and the role of our comrades in it. We considered the news reports, which made mention of the special selection of hostages and the specific role which Germans played in the commando, to be a form of psychological warfare. We knew that Brigitte and Bonni were anti-fascists, and we understood their motives for participating in the action. Our understanding of solidarity prohibited criticisms of our comrades; we avoided discussing the mistakes, acting as if solidarity does not also principally include that individual members can make mistakes.

Similarly, the search for answers as to why the action failed remained superficial. We were not able to do anything more than logistical criticism. We deplored the fact that the original plans and agreements had not been carried out, and that the actual course was the opposite of what had been originally intended. We criticized the fact that the action, which was to have a purely pragmatic purpose – namely the immediate release of political prisoners – became more and more a propaganda stunt as time wore on, one which Idi Amin [then president of Uganda – ed] used to his advantage. We charged that the decision-making power had been taken away from the commando during the operation, and that after the landing the comrades were solely following orders that were given out somewhere far away from the site of the action. We finally resigned ourselves, with reference to the special dynamic of military operations, even though our confidence in direct international cooperation as a special quality of practical anti-imperialism had reached its limits.

We failed to see that the limits of this cooperation were not technical but rather political in nature, even though the direction and course of the action were clear. The commando had taken hostages whose sole commonality was the fact that they were Jewish. Social GerPos8characteristics, such as background or function, status or personal responsibility, criteria which usually figure into the foundations of our practice, did not matter in this case. And even though it was not the commando’s fault that the one hostage who did not survive the action happened to be, of all people, a former concentration camp survivor, this fact underscores the logic of the operation nonetheless. After Mogadishu nearly a year later [FOOTNOTE: capital city of Somalia; during the kidnapping of Schleyer by the RAF, a Palestinian commando had hijacked a Lufthansa plane in order to put pressure on the German government to give in to the demands of the RAF; an GSG-9 anti-terrorist unit stormed the plane; that night, October 18/7, the imprisoned RAF comrades Andreas Baader, Gudrun Ensslin, and Jan-Carl Raspe were killed by the German State in the Stammheim maximum-security prison.], there was a wave of criticism, even from radical-leftists, that an unspecified group of German tourists had become a tool for negotiations. We didn’t take this into account with Entebbe, even though the action had totally violated some of the most fundamental rules and morals of revolutionary politics. The horrible threat, that anyone who enters Israeli territory must know what kind of risk he/she is taking, had become a bloody reality.

Entebbe was not an isolated incident, but rather the culmination of a process in which we had become more and more distant from what we were fighting for. The sentences which Ulrike Meinhof had written nearly ten years before during the Six-Day War had been forgotten: “There is no reason why the European left should give up its solidarity with those who are persecuted; this solidarity continues into the present, and includes the state of Israel.” The Black September of the Palestinians, the Israeli air raids on the GerPos232refugee camps, the mass despair in the occupied territories, the regime of horror that the occupation forces had installed there, and the reports from Israeli prisons were enough reason for us to push our knowledge of Auschwitz into the background. We adopted the slogans of the Palestinian liberation struggle and failed to realize that our own history should have excluded us from taking one side. We analyzed the conflict within the context of the anti-imperialism formed around Vietnam, even though this context was not relevant here. We no longer saw Israel in terms of the Nazi Holocaust, but only from the point of view of its history of settlement. For us, Israel was a front-line agent of Western imperialism in the Middle East and the Arab World, not a place of refuge for those who had survived and gotten away; a necessary place, so long as the possibility of a new mass-murder could not be ruled out, and as long as anti-Semitism continues to be a real existing historical fact. The dramatic fact that the need for security for Jews can only seemingly be realized against the Palestinians did not present us with an unsolvable dilemma. Instead, we took the opportunity to place ourselves alongside the ones who were weaker in our point of view.

Where we, under different conditions, insisted on the differences between those on top and those on bottom, we mainly saw good and bad peoples in the Middle East. At most we criticized the pathos of Palestinian patriotism, despite the fact that Israel’s own history should have shown us that the realization of the Palestinians’ dreams would not necessarily mean an end to exploitation and oppression, but rather their perpetuation GerPos204under different guises. Suffering and lived-through persecution are no guarantees that people won’t turn into monsters as soon as they mass together in a nation-state. There can be no revolutionary solutions when two ethnic communities put claims on the same piece of land. As understandable as the conclusions were which the Palestinians drew from their experience of persecution and expulsion, we could not share them without getting into an unsolvable contradiction between our own history and political identity. The legitimate and necessary criticism of Israel’s occupation policies and the natural solidarity with the Palestinian resistance had mutated into a willingness to make Jewish passengers, whatever their nationality, liable for the terror and cruelties of the Israeli regime, and to thereby exchange social-revolutionary standards for mere tribal standards. The extent of this historical amnesia and moral disintegration, which expressed itself in this willingness, is the heaviest burden which our history carries with it.

There are a number of factors which explain this fatal development. Factors like suspicion and doubts about ourselves, who live in the rich North, or opportunism in the
face of the possibilities which the cooperation with the Palestinian organization offered; these surely played a role, as did the pressure to act, given the isolation conditions in the West German prisons. Or the fact that we were only part of the historical tendency with our understanding of anti-Zionism, which all fractions of the left had adopted at that time. But as plausible as all these reason might be, they are no excuse for the enormous mistakes we made at that time – mistakes which should never have happened.
GerPos207We cannot say that we saw all of these things in this way back then, in the first months after Entebbe. Instead of making a thorough analysis of the logic, course, and result of the action and drawing conclusions from this to relate to our further practice, we satisfied ourselves with half-hearted criticism. Only a few people recognized the immediate consequence, which was to again connect ourselves to those people for whom our politics in Germany were intended, namely orienting to domestic social and political movements.

But still, the Entebbe experience left some scars. The slogan about the caravan which continues on its path while the dogs are barking was more a slogan than a description of our reality. Knowledge of the catastrophe kept on smoldering, continually demanding self-critical discussions from us when we couldn’t get around the truth. The consequences of this discussion, which was more underlying than open, were not only splits in personal friendships, but the discussion also affected the basis of our political concept. Even if we can’t distinguish in every case at which points this experience played a crucial role or where it was just in the background – that it played a central role in determining the positions which marked our politics in the coming years is beyond question. As justified as it may be to accuse us of a lack of consciousness, it would be wrong to say that Entebbe -albeit only in the form of the creeping poison of a life-lie – has been pushed aside in our political self-understanding.

That we have not done any actions since then directed at Israeli installations is something we only realized much later. If the issue was on the agenda, we looked to the West, like to German installations which profited from Israeli politics. We pursued the treatment of Palestinian refugees by the West German asylum departments closer than the drama of counter-insurgency in the occupied territories. Instead of doing actions that might be misunderstood, we did no actions if we had any doubts about their being interpreted as being anti-Jewish. We had many reasons for being reserved when we GerPos210were dealing with the motive and political content of anti-Zionism. The knowledge that we as leftists are not immune to anti-Semitic sentiments, merely badly disguised in national-revolutionary terms, practically blocked us. The dilemma of political abstinence which resulted seemed possible to some of us to be solved by taking up the theme of NS-continuity [the idea that Germany today still exhibits a definite evolution from the national-socialist days of the Nazis – ed.] and by looking for examples of Jewish resistance to the Nazis and relating to this, rather than making politically fatal analogies to legitimize and satisfy our need for action, as often happens in leftist anti-Zionist documents.

Another consequence has been the slow with-drawl from international contacts. Slow, because they were old, and also emotional, because we had to break with those terms and ideological constructs which had made actions like Entebbe possible. A political understanding was articulated and formed in this process, one which was very different from that of the group with which we had been cooperating until then. Differences which we had ignored for a long time, or which we had classified as differences stemming from our different conditions or of our status from being from the metro-poles – these now proved to be heavy contradictions, where a solid common denominator could no longer be found. The claim of acting in solidarity out of different positions had reached its limits.

GerPos212Our cooperation with this group was based on an understanding of anti-imperialism which directly linked social liberation with the achievement of national sovereignty. The end of foreign rule, we thought, would be equivalent to the beginning of a social revolution. Because the liberation organizations represented the people who were fighting for their independence, they were a natural focal-point for international solidarity. The fact that a take-over of power almost always results in the destruction rather than the development of the social content of the revolution didn’t fit into our picture of a homogenous liberation process, so we blocked it out. The leaders of liberation movements – as soon as they occupy the command posts of the young nation-states – act as the protagonists for the development of brutal dictatorships; mostly the old cadre benefit from the newly gained independence, while the continuing mass misery requires a new explanation. In short, the whole dialectic of national and social liberation is mostly to the advantage of the new ruling forces, and this is not so much due to the betrayal or corruption of morals, but rather corresponds to the nature of founding a new State. Only after the founding of new states developed and the multiple forms of social counter-power articulated themselves, whose enemy was the force and utilization embodied by the State, were we able to make some sense of the myth of national independence and peoples’ will.

We came to realize that the full spectrum of social needs and interests did not find a place in the liberation organizations and that the dimensions of gender- and class-struggle could not for one moment lose their importance, even in the process of anti-imperialism. We could not be satisfied with the nationalistic-ethnic slogans on which the togetherness of the fighters and commanders was based, because they were the ones – as the cadre operating under conditions of war- who were developing the forms of future exploitation.GerPos237

We could no longer ignore the fact that it was men who occupied the central posts in the liberated nation states, men who at the same time had control over women and reproduction. We had to question the myth of people’s war and its revolutionary qualities, and we had to newly understand its double-identity as a moment of liberation and as a form of destructive rationalization – a rationalization whose first victims were the refugees, as well as the women and children in the border camps near the fighting areas. In short, we had to break with all facets of Leninist-Stalinist notions of national liberation which had determined the politics of the COMINTERN from the beginning, and which we had taken on in the course of the reception of Marxism-Leninism in the beginning of the 70’s.

This is not meant to reproach or renounce those with whom we had fought together back then, but rather the very general conclusion of an experience. This is a criticism of incorrect notions of harmony which we held for a long time, and which many anti-imperialist groups continue to adhere to. There is a contradiction between the international solidarity of revolutionary groups and movements on banners and their difficulties of fulfilling this solidarity. The existence and violence of the enemy are not enough to limit the contradictions and conflicts within one’s own ranks. Again and again, antagonisms come to light here whose origins lie in conflicting interests, aims, or self-erected ideological barriers. Again and again, what one group deems absolutely correct and necessary is seen by another group as both wrong and damaging. From this, despite claims of unity in action in the face of the enemy, sharp controversies develop which can eventually tear things apart. But the outcome of such controversies within revolutionary camps is not being decided by good will or better intentions, but rather, like everywhere GerPos251else, by the contradictions of power.

3. Gerd was in jail during the period of time following Entebbe. In January 1977, during an attempt to set fire to a cinema which was screening a movie about the hijacking, he was observed by an observation team and arrested the next day. [The RZs had made a series of coordinated attacks on cinemas all over Germany. There were also actions in other countries; in Italy, for example, the film was not shown due to attacks. No persons were injured in these attacks. -ed.] The Dusseldorf state court sentenced Gerd to 5 years for attempted arson and membership in the Revolutionary Cells. When he was released at the end of 1981, he met us and found us in a completely different situation. He himself never accepted that split which we had made with our history. He shared the criticism of other comrades with whom there were intense discussions about our decision to abandon our international connections; some people separated themselves because of these discussions. Gerd felt these reductions and the emphasis on political differences weakened and split the group. The price we would pay for emphasizing our own autonomy would be a disappearance into insignificance. The voluntary renunciation of a concrete anti-imperialist practice would not only make a farce of our revolutionary claim, it would also amount to a capitulation in the face of practical duties, such as the liberation of prisoners, the securing of retreat possibilities, or the maintaining of a certain action standard. It would be fiction to believe that the RZs could fulfill the tasks which we had set for ourselves relying on our own force alone. Furthermore, he felt the split would result in a loss of subjective radicalism; this was already due more to our fears than to real necessity. For the deceptive advantage of a “clean slate”, we had brought the RZs to the level of small-leftist militancy and had abandoned the guerrilla GerPos308claim. Our “self-critcism” of Entebbe and what followed was a document of double moral standards which could only be kept up if we shielded other realities from our perception. It would be a wrong, wishful picture, and at the same time ignorant of real suffering, if we wished to be both revolutionary and keep our hands clean at the same time. Politics doesn’t work according to inter-personal morals; he predicted that the split would mean a quick end to the RZs.

In contrast to our decision, Gerd held fast to the idea of direct relations with the Palestinian resistance, not the least because he felt attracted to the solidarity and subjective radicalism he had experienced there. He was aware that this decisiveness was deeply influenced by macho behaviourism and of the contradictions this entailed and which stopped him from making a definite decision for a life in these structures. He tried in his own person to reconcile the differences between his aims and demands. Despite the differences which this caused between him and us, we also recognized it as a strength that he could think in opposites and withstand tensions which also stem from the ambivalence and brokenness of metropolitan subjectivity. He searched for more comprehensive solutions whereas we had retreated onto a seemingly safer terrain of political practice which we thought we could oversee better. Where we were held back by doubts, questions, or insecurities, he fought his way through with the motto: “It doesn’t matter, it has to happen.” He maintained the old contacts, both because he wanted to and because he felt a responsibility to the comrades there – but maybe also because he thought that one day we’d change our minds and then he could take up the old contacts again. When we tried to nail him down to a definite decision, he withdrew from the group. He insisted on his own way: against totalitarian group claims, against all attempts at ownership, from whatever side. He refused his services when the fine line between obligation and regimentation was crossed. We had our difficulties with this, but GerPos339we loved him for this especially. His sense of conviction has always fascinated us, especially because it was strange to us in this form.

Gerd never let himself be forced onto one issue, no matter how important it seemed to him. Those who knew him knew he was involved in thousands of things without ever getting reduced to one. He deeply distrusted the puritanism and rigorism of some leftist people who begin at some point to regret having sacrificed parts of their lives for the revolution. What might have appeared to be unsteadiness at first glance was, in reality, a sense of pleasure from living out contradictions. This pleasure was born from the knowledge that the shortest path mathematically between any two points might be a line, but that politically it might not be the quickest or the best way to success. What falls down as right or left now might prove later to be irreplaceable. The comparability of seemingly contradictory things and standing up to every-thing that excludes others was his answer to the question of how a life is possible in opposition to the ruling circumstances under metropolitan conditions.

One can imagine the irritation he felt everywhere when one recalls the whole spectrum activities which comprised his life once he got out of prison. He worked as an employee for the Green Party in the European Parliament and made features for the WDR [German tv and radio station -ed.], which required that he treat the question of imprisonment with the same importance as gambling prohibition or a triathalon. Gerd was active in a prisoner support group, he wrote to and visited imprisoned comrades, he helped found GerPos166the prison journal “Pieces”, and he also nourished his contacts with his former co-prisoners who had since been released. He lived openly as a gay person, helped to organize events on AIDS, and enjoyed the gay-scene in Ibiza. He published texts on Israeli politics and took on tasks which his international contacts required. He was active in the Dusseldorf political scene and then stepped out of it when its framework became too narrow for him. Although he criticized the half-heartedness of the RZs, he helped us without hesitation where it was in his ability to do so. He had a lot of expectations, but could naturally only fulfill some of them. Those who wanted his full devotion were always to be disappointed.

4. When Gerd went to a meeting with the group in November 1987, he did so of his own accord. The fact that he was put on trial immediately after his arrival must have been a big shock to him. He could not possibly have been aware of any mistake or negligence, otherwise he would have started his trip with more doubts, because he had no illusions about the group’s code and rules and he accepted these.

We do not wish to speculate about the motives of those who are responsible for his death. What is obvious is that the standards of two completely different words collided. Under conditions dictated by the logic of war, strict obedience and willing submission are what count; there, ideas and ways of behaviour which are not in accordance with usual patterns are met with distrust and rejection. Where daily life is determined by military attacks, a permanent state of siege, curfew, arrests, and torture, the fronts are clear. There is little room for the ambivalence which results from a metropolitan back¬ground. There, questions about one’s own person must sound ridiculous. That which is here a search, an attempt, and a struggle for new impulses and justifications is there quickly confronted with suspicions of indecisiveness, hesitation, and betrayal. And it’s only a small step from doubts of loyalty to accusations of betrayal, including the GerPos201murderous consequences linked with that.

But despite that, we think such an explanation is wrong; it is superficial and short-sighted. It legitimizes a conscious decision with the pressure of the situation and makes victims of former helpers. Experience of the violence of the enemy doesn’t free anyone from the obligation to justify at any time about the methods and measures one is employing. It is cynical to blame the de-evaluation of life on the conditions of war. And in this concrete case, what falls in the responsibility of a single group is true for the entire Palestinian resistance. However, we have no reason to make generalizations; it is wrong to make conclusions about an entire movement based on the actions and methods of a single group.

No: the willingness to murder a comrade cannot be excused by the harshness of the conditions; it is the expression of a political program whose only language is the take-over of power, the language of future dictators. History is full of examples of revolutionary organizations and movements who had to struggle under equally brutal situations, but which did not take on the methods and brutality of the enemy. These may be a minority, but that fact that the majority of Bolshevik parties operated with the motto that the ends justify the means and that everything against the enemy is OK is not a valid counter-argument.

This is a historic debate which has its roots in the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, and the Spanish Civil War. When victory becomes the measure of GerPos1767everything, not only the best, but also the worst forces are unleashed. Those who obtain power by any means and defend it by any means undermine themselves at the same time. Rosa Luxemburg said of the Bolsheviks, that the perversion of the revolution is worse than its defeat.

The argument for success, which orthodox communists have for years used against the “romantic losers” of the liberation groups, has proved its insufficiency these days. We cannot and do not want to ignore any longer that a man’s world is running wild, that the world is about power bastions defending themselves from one another and from those below, that in such a world gay identity is met with suspicion. Because we have learned these things, and because we prefer to see ourselves in the tradition of the Spanish anarchists rather than the COMINTERN. We do not agree with talk of the rules of war. Certain rules may be understandable in other places, but they usually come into practice because there has not been a conscious political decision beforehand. We cannot accept such rules our own, because they stand in diametrical opposition to our own ambitions and utopias. The death of Gerd makes it clear one more time that there are worlds of difference between this kind of thinking and our thinking – and there is no possible connection be-tween these worlds.

The fact that we have made such a taboo of violence within our own ranks and that we are only now horrified about it when affected by it ourselves is a criticism we will have to accept. We have no excuse. It was the death of Gerd that made us recognize the dimensions of the tragedy of the fact that even within revolutionary organizations political questions get answered with military means. This has been an occasion for us to remember the thousands of known and nameless comrades who have lost their lives or suffered because they were accused of betrayal or because they found themselves in the middle of an inter-organizational power struggle.

But his death is not an argument against revolutionary practice per se. This knowledge about violence within the ranks of the movement is a reason for us to pause, for sorrow, GerPos211for despair but not to give up and make peace with the conditions around us. Those who understand us and yet still think that we would now lash out at those for whom terror is normal business, simply because one of us has been hit, are on the wrong path. The self-righteousness and hypocrisy of those who now lustfully inspect the wounds of the revolutionary movement, while ignoring the millions of corpses on which the Western wealth and democracy they so appreciate is based, are utterly repulsive to us.

The discussion which began with Gerd’s death is taking place on both sides of the barricades. It has to do with the connection between politics and morals, the contradictions between national liberation and social liberation, and the difference between revolutionary violence and terror. What is at question is the Leninist heritage which has infused itself into our minds and which affects us more than we are conscious of. An analysis of history cannot solve the difficulties we are facing here, nor can the emphatic reference to world-wide struggles. Especially since revolutionary politics in a place like Germany is so isolated, it always has to insure itself of a social setting if it wants to be more than a mere expression of the subjective situation of its actors or the weak reflection of a ideological construct. How quickly all the nice words and best intentions become just hollow phrases as soon as we fail to relate to concrete reality but rather take our orientation from demands which have their origin in different conditions, as can be witnessed in this chapter of our history.

GerPos249In 1973, some RZ comrades said in an interview that “there also exists a part of our politics which many comrades do not understand and do not accept and which the masses do not understand either and aren’t interested in now. Despite that, we think it is correct that internationalism, in the form of solidarity with comrades in foreign guerrilla groups and solidarity with the fighting peoples of other countries, be a part of the struggle.” What was then an attempt to rectify the world-wide imbalance in revolutionary development ended up splitting from the social processes here. It became a free ticket for action requiring no political meditation. The logic of this argument partially explains our years of silence on Entebbe. At the same time, this silence showed we were moving on a one-way street: what we were doing on an international level was not in line with the anti-imperialism we were fighting for in West Germany, but was in fact in stark contrast to it. We had to make a decision. And those who have followed our practice in the 80’s know the result of this decision.

Revolutionary Cells December 1991


Revolutionary Cell Communique – Tendency For The International Social

We are a group belonging to the association known as the Revolutionary Cells. The publication of a piece on the death of Gerd Albartus by another RZ groups forces us to say something in public ourselves, although we don’t approve of taking the route of rz8giving insufficient information.

We also want to comment on the communique from another RZ group who intend to abandon the armed struggle. In the meantime, it will become clear that there are different tendencies within the RZs. In this and all subsequent public statements, we shall identify ourselves accordingly.

The paper on Gerd’s death was, against our will, signed in the name of all RZs in common. In the preceding discussions, we had made it clear that this paper did not express our outlook and praxis regarding international liberation struggles. Gerd’s obituary was misused as an opportunity to take a self-satisfied look around, at the cost of the fighting peoples in the Three Continents. With the same type of carelessness, the circumstances of Gerd’s death were only hinted at. The responsible organization was not specifically named; this only leads to speculation, which can only be to the detriment of the Palestinian resistance as a whole. The organization is in fact very small and only struggles on the military level, but it counts itself as part of the international anti-imperialist liberation struggle.GerPos37

We also refuse to work together with this organization because their actions are often untargeted or falsely grounded and because they fail to also struggle on the political level. We only have a vague idea why the organization in question doubted Gerd’s
trustworthiness, but Gerd knew what he was getting into. He knew the requirements of intense military struggle. He understood his cooperation with this group as being part of the struggle by an oppressed people against their misery and political oppression. For him, it was an alternative to the self-satisfaction of many people – leftists included – in the metropoles.

In this sense, we share the political position of the authors of Gerd’s obituary. International solidarity means actively criticising those whom we struggle together with – not acting arrogant, as if the liberation movement and the oppressed classes don’t know about the concrete and historical evolution of the conditions of the struggle.

In the public discussions around the obituary, some significant points of criticism were addressed which we agree with: in ‘Arbeiterkampf’ 13.1.92, the piece entitled “Questions and Comments on the RZ-paper”, and the piece called “I’m going away, I’m going away…to look for something new”, signed “3.February 92”.

The revolutionary liberation struggles on the Three Continents – which are always struggles for social liberation, which we especially support – take place under different, specific conditions. Our analysis of these struggles and our solidarity with them is based GerPos49both on an examination of the objective conditions and also a reflection on centuries of imperialist exploitation and oppression. The shrunken orientation exclusively on the “local social processes” in the metropoles, without seeing these in their international context, is the expression of a neo-colonialist mindset.

Anyone who is in solidarity with the struggles in the Three Continents must be on the same side of the barricade as those forces which are resisting the destructive imperialist violence and its open and hidden forms of economic, military, and psychological war which is being waged against the peoples of the Three Continents. Solidarity always implies critical solidarity. Only so can a common revolutionary development process make possible an international strength.

The hijacking of the Air France flight from Tel Aviv to Paris to Entebbe (1976) was designed to win freedom for 53 comrades imprisoned in Israel, West Germany, Kenya, Switzerland, and France by means of holding hostages. Out of these five countries, there
were only citizens from two on board the plane. All the passengers from Israel and France, including the French crew, were held, while all other nationalities were released. There was no selection of Jews. The fact that the authors of Gerd’s obituary so critically
followed the line of the mainstream media (“Selection of Jews”…), shows not only their political immaturity, but also their mistrust of the comrades involved.

In making a political assessment of the action – we also feel that hijacking planes is problematical – its important to keep in mind the existing conditions of the Palestinian people. In short: life under Israeli occupation or as refugees, the experience of massacres (in Palestine and Lebanon), and even genocide (Jordan 1970). Shortly before the GerPos58hijacking, 6000 Palestinians in the refugee camp Tel-Al-Zaatar in Beirut were murdered by a fascist Christian militia with help from the Syrian army; Israel added to this with air and rocket attacks on the camp. The “world public opinion” was silent. The Palestinian resistance found itself in a state of war with Israel. The hijacking of the plane departing from Israel and the taking of hostages was designed to put pressure on the Israeli government.

Renouncing solidarity with the Palestinian resistance on account of this action, without even seeing it in the context of the conditions of that time, is wrong, especially since there was self-criticism within the Palestinian resistance about hijacking as an action form. Militaristic actions of this sort are generally no longer practiced by political organizations, since capturing random inhabitants of imperialist states is not seen as an effective means of advancing the liberation struggle against the ruling classes and the military apparatuses of the imperialist nations.

The existence of the racist Israeli state by definition means denying the Palestinians’ right to existence. Maintaining such a system, which collaborates with reactionary dictators across the globe, is not a solution. The only solution is a revolutionary struggle which affirms everyone’s equal right to existence. The Palestinian resistance formulated this goal decades ago.

In response to the other RZ group, who are giving up the armed struggle:

We see different reasons than you do for the causes of the crisis within the RZs and with armed politics in general:

1. The question of power and revolutionary counter-power.

GerPos61Armed propaganda, as a means of showing the disapproval of the opposition, has always been central to RZ politics. As for the question of how revolutionary counter-power can be developed, this is being constantly revised. This position is apparently untouchable: clear-cut positions on certain problems are left to the so-called “public arena”, to be addressed or not. This can solidify into a ritual, resulting in nothing moving, either
personally or socially. No responsibility is taken for further- developing a political process of turning the reduced power of the oppressed into struggles involving lots of people, making possible a class-less, anti-patriarchical society.

Whoever has this as a goal, but doesn’t deal with the central question of how power can be achieved, remains a mere dreamer, oblivious to the existing conditions. It’s important to discuss how a counter-power can be positively developed and how abuses of power can be challenged. But we’ll never get that far if the power- question forever remains a taboo. How can we ever, as you all write, “develop more self-determination”, if not GerPos183through the development of a counter-power? We will never be handed the means of play and the niches which would corrupt us. The experience of Chile 1973 and Spain 1936-39 should be proof enough for us of what the international bourgeoisie thinks of our dream of “self- determination”, because the ruling powers know no boundaries: either politically or militarily.

2. The changing relationship between the guerrilla and the movement

You describe the coordination system which the RZs have used as a straight line: armed opposition – mediation – anchoring – uniformity. But this is quite a claim, because social processes don’t run in such a regular manner. And then you go and cite the failings of armed politics. In other words, establishing correctness was a primary concern of the political stimulus of the RZs. That is quite a generalization.

In contrast to your stated wishes, you display a clearly avant garde pedagogical approach. You relax your trigger-finger and wait for the theme of the public-sphere to be taken up. We think that people can make up their own minds, and at the same time, the
guerrilla can judge the reactions to see if their expectations were realistic or not. Being dependent on public opinion turns armed politics into a reformism which no longer seeks to strategically intervene in political matters. At the same time, however, it’s GerPos66important to avoid lapsing into a “private war” between the guerrilla and the state.

There are also social situations where the guerrilla cannot insert itself deeper into the oppressed classes, because the political process is stagnant. There are several factors
responsible for this. But this doesn’t, to us, mean that armed politics become unnecessary, but rather it takes on a greater responsibility which does not aim at immediate attention, but rather develops fixed-points for future struggles. Abandoning the revolutionary armed forces means writing off the revolutionary struggle, because this struggle – more or less – is oriented around these forces. The guerrilla secures and widens the political terrain.

Instead of destroying the guerrilla because of the lack of a following behind the refugee campaign, it would be better to take a closer look at the campiagn’s orientation points. The demand for “open borders” does not address the roots of the problem, but rather its result, that is, the migration movement towards the metropoles. You have to have an anti-imperialist politics that attacks those responsible for the misery of the people in the Three Continents at the same time as you make this demand. Otherwise, the demand is not taken up by society, or it goes in the wrong direction. The prospect of millions of refugees coming into the country worries many people and often just gives rise to GerPos67increased hatred of foreigners. This demand needs to be coupled with realistic proposals as to how imperialism can be fought and how the living conditions of the people in the Three Continents can be improved. Simple appeals to humanitarianism and suffering do not constitute a revolutionary politics and won’t provide any solutions to social problems.

As for linking this theme to social problems here: this theme is closely tied to the social problems here in the heart of the beast! We cannot sit idly by and watch the hunger- and exploitation-politics of imperialism, and we have the necessary moral and revolutionary legitimation. The refugee campaign has been a single-issue campaign with very little room for revolutionary political content, in spite of peoples’ intentions. The reason is, things were not orientated towards an active movement, but rather we were all waiting for one to come into being.

Another mistake we have made in our movement politics has been exclusively focusing on the left-radical scene. This scene has hardly been socially relevant over the last 10 years, but instead has languished – largely of its own accord – in a ghetto, without any social ties. It would be quite a task to try and work on changing it.

3. The fall of real-existing socialism and its impact on the German left.GerPos96

The fall of socialism does not explain why the left has fallen. The left had long since reached its boundaries, was in decline, and needed to address its mistakes and short-comings. Of course it’s bitter, that all of this has come at the same time as imperialism is claiming its victories over Eastern Europe and the Three Continents; but there’s no use in complaining. The “New World Order” is cracked and the future offers new opportunities. The order of the day should be re-developing the strategy and tactics of armed politics, not abandoning them.

We accept as self-explanatory the personal reasons various individuals and groups have for giving up on armed struggle so as to operate in more public spaces. But we think it’s false to try and base this decision on strategic concerns.

Revolutionary Cells – Tendency for the International Social Revolution


Notes On Bad News

a reaction to a discussion paper of the Revolutionary Cells

by Alan Berkman

1. The paper provoked many thoughts and I apologize in advance for not taking adequate time to respond fully. I am using an English translation prepared by t.t. (? the typ.),and I have numbered the pages 1-14 for every reference.alanberkman1

2. The paper attempts to deal with many – too many- political points on varying levels of abstraction; the death of Gerd Albertus, the self-criticism of Entebbe, the nature (ideological and strategic)  of international solidarity in the metropoles, the German Left’s relationship to anti-semitism and to Israel. These literally life and death issues cannot be covered in this way. It’s not only that so much is left unanswered: the technique of linking issues together borders, even though done unintentionally, on the unprincipled. To be specific : (p.i.) “Gerd Albertus is dead”. That stark sentence is obviously written to create a deep emotional reaction, a reaction that the reader ( at least this reader) has to overcome in order to deal more objectively, and politically with much that follows. It’s not fair.

3. I agree with the RZ that the current triumphalism of the capitalist countries is not an excuse to block criticism and self-criticism, it is more important that we strengthen ourselves in this period than worry that we will be weakened in the face of the opposition. I believe all movements, including the Palestinian movement, can and should be criticized in a constructive fashion if necessary. I personally published a letter in a U.S. Left journal criticizing those responsible for the Achille Lauro attack for anti-semitism in the killing of Klinghoffer and criticizing specific airline and airport attacks GerPos186as terroristic in their disregard for civilian lives.

4. I am critical of the RZ for how they discuss the killing of Gerd Albertus. He sounds like a wonderful comrade, and I mourn his loss. But I still don’t know who executed him. The RZ says, they cannot discuss concrete associations. I find this very problematic. Whose security are they protecting by refusing to simply specify the group in the absence of that one concrete ( no other detailed information is necessary). I agree with the criticism that this emotionally charged public paper reflects badly on the entire Palestinian resistance. I disagreed with somewhat resented the RZ statement (p2) almost no one is able to see through the network of the Palestinian organizations and fractions… I also thought that there was an implication that Gerd was killed because he was gay. On page 11 at the bot-tom there is a nominal refusal to speculate on motives followed by speculations, there ideas and ways of behaviour which are not in accordance with the usual patterns are being met with mistrust and rejection “and that in such a world a gay identity per se is met with suspicion” If the RZ believes Gerd was killed because he was gay, they should state it and make it clear that they are not sure. If homophobia is that extreme in that group, we need to know it. Implications, though, lead to suspicion, but give us no information or way to struggle. politically and personally debilitating.

5. I agree with the statements on p.11 & 12, that it would be superficial and short-sighted to excuse conscious decisions with the pressure of the situation in which they are taken.GerPos371 We need to understand those pressures in order to understand why a terrible wrong was committed, but we’ll never correct our errors if we only look at the conditions. I also agree that there are many organizations who have fought under brutal conditions and not succumbed to brutality. But I believe, the RZ makes the distinction between the two types of organization too rigid, whether lying the blame on male domination or the Leninist model. I believe, that organizations, like individuals, have the capacity to both commit great wrongs and to rectify them. To quote a great German thinker (Goethe)  have never heard of a crime which I could not imagine committing myself.”

It serves the RZ’s larger political argument to make rigid distinctions, but I am not sure it matches the lessons of recent history: the “Bad News” paper starts with a quote from Roque Dalton. I am sure it was not a coincidence that the RZ used a quote from a revolutionary poet killed by his own organization. Is the ERP doomed to speak the language of the future dictators? Shouldn’t we take note that Commandante Villalobos used the occasion of his first public address to the people of El Salvador to do an organizational self-criticism about the killing of Roque Dalton? Internal killing certainly wrecked the FLP of El Salvador, yet they seem to have been able to change and play a positive role in the struggle of the people. I can’t foresee the future in El Salvador, but I GerPos370am hopeful that the ERP and FLP will be neither perverters of the revolution nor romantic losers.

I guess my point is simplistic – organizations and movements are complex, and their actions and politics can change over time and as a result of political struggle both internally and with others. I get very little sense from the RZ of the nature of the inter- organizational struggle that went on.

6. I have had some experiences in building relationships between anti-imperialist groups and organizations from national liberation movements, although my experience is probably very limited compared to the comrades from the RZ. I found it important, politically and personally rewarding, sometimes frustrating and almost always difficult. As revolutionaries from the metropoles, we neither represent much of a social movement nor have extensive experience in many levels of struggle. So, on both a strategic and tactical level, there is often a wide discrepancy between our organization and that of our national liberation comrades. We can easily feel we have little to offer besides certain kinds of material aid. Aware of our own inexperience and perhaps of our own racism or national chauvinism, we tend to agree uncritically with proposals that are made. In my experience, there are at least two major errors in this kind of relationship. The first is that on a political level, we and comrades from national groups are all functioning as revolutionaries in our respective countries. That doesn’t equalize our struggles, but it makes us comrades and creates a basis for principled relationships based on mutual respect and criticism/ self-criticism. The second is that we are GerPos372“uncritical “; rather, we reserve our criticisms and do not openly struggle them out with the other organization. Instead, resentment grows and comes out abruptly and exaggeratedly, often at a critical point. Rather than being uncritical, we were in fact being unprincipled by not struggling the issues out.

Organizations in the metropoles have to be responsible for our own politics and principles and for our own security. Differences may well arise in inter- organizational relationships, and they may or may not be capable of being resolved at a certain point in history. If necessary, relationships at an organizational level can be terminated, but I would not see that as an end of our anti-imperialist responsibilities nor incapable of change over time. Organizations, ours or theirs, can change. In my own experience, I have seen groups self-criticize and change in practice deeply held positions and social issues such as women-liberation and gay rights.

Joint projects or putting cadre from one group directly under the leadership of another is often very difficult. Guidelines need to be hammered out in as much detail as possible. It’s my observation, though, that often the handful of cadre involved in such a venture could contribute qualitatively more to international solidarity by staying and working in the metropole. That may not be true for occasional individuals with special skills and those are the cases when clear agreements are needed.

7. I understand that some people question the fact around the Entebbe action as they are presented by the RZ. I don’t know what to make of the self-criticism if the facts are GerPos246wrong, so for my purposes, I will accept them as they are presented. First, Entebbe.
If there was a “selection” of Jewish passengers, it was anti-semitic and needs to be rejected by principled people. But I’m uncomfortable with the RZ’s self-criticism of anti-semitism. Somehow, the “specialness” of the German people’s relationship to the Jews and to the holocaust becomes the moral basis for political support for the theocratic state of Israel. That “special relationship” has been used by the German state for its massive support for Israel; Now a revolutionary group uses the same reasoning to arrive at almost (not exactly) the same conclusion. That doesn’t seem right. It seems to me that progressive political people of all nationalities need to reject anti-semitism because it’s a philosophy and a practice that promotes hatred of a specific religious group based solely on religion, and to some extent, on genetics. We struggle for equality and an end to all forms of discrimination and oppression; we believe individuals should be judged on their actions, not their race, sex, religion, gender choice etc. So, if anti-semitism must be rejected by Germans, it must equally be rejected by Americans, by the Poles, by the Palestinians. It s because it ‘s morally wrong and reprehensible, not because of the Holocaust. At +a same time, I can understand that anti-semitism may be a more acute problem in Germany, while racism towards Black people may be a more acute problem in the U.S. Yet, certain political and cultural principles underlie both racism and anti-semitism, and it does not surprise me to see the growing racist violence in Europe nor the resurgence of anti-semitism in the U.S.

“Bad News” takes the premise one step further to justify political support for the currently constituted Israeli state. Again, I think the ” specialness” is misleading. If it’s right for there to be a theocratic Jewish state, then it’s as right for me in the U.S. to GerPos242support it as it is for the RZ in Germany.

For many years, it seemed to me that the Israeli actions as an aggressive and repressive state flowed from its nature as a settler colony. Therefore, the Palestinian demand for a secular, democratic state was dearly the correct and progressive solution to the problem. If it was correct for me though, I think it was also correct for the RZ. And when the PNC called for a two state solution, I would say it’s correct for all of us to support that and to recognize the reality that the Israeli state does physically exist and the Palestinian state does not. Unless the RZ wants to privilege the Israelis over the Palestinians, I think they need to recognize that the issue is still support for the Palestinians. Just as they can recognize that we on the Left should not worry too much about” delivering ammunition” to those who are not badly armored, so, too can they recognize that the Israelis are quite well an !lured these days, and really do not need the RZ s support.

I don’t understand the RZ’s reasoning: so long as Euro-Americans cannot eradicate anti-semitism, Israel as a theocratic state has the right to expel and repress Palestinians. I know that makes it all very simple, but it seems to me their underlying position. Even, if for a moment I accept their terms, is it true that Israel as a theocratic and expansionist state has secured the ability of Jews to survive? If Germany and the U.S. did not give massive military and economic aid to Israel, it would collapse in a relatively brief period.
Like the RZ, I have been staggered by the strength of nationalism; events in Central and GerPos373Eastern Europe have certainly been striking. Yet, under the guise of “realism” it seems to me that the RZ has fallen prey to pro-found cynicism. While proclaiming that they are not generalizing their criticism to the entire Palestinian liberation struggle, they seem quite sure that the Palestinians would turn into “monsters” once massed together as a nation state (p.6). I assume then, that the RZ also cannot support the Republican struggle in the North of Ireland because victorious Republicans would only treat Loyalists in the same fashion that they have been treated. But is that true? Even in the conduct of the armed struggle the Republicans tend to keep their targets political and not sectarian. Mistakes have been made, but they are admitted and criticized. Is that what the British and the Loyalists do? Have the Africans in Zimbabwe, Angola or Mozambique treated the Europeans the way they were treated during the colonial period?

I feel that the RZ and I have lived in somewhat different historical periods. I know that deep social problems continue to exist in recently liberated countries, but isn’t it clear that they could be resolved while under foreign domination? The RZ is entitled to their own political live, no matter how insular and particular to the ” specialness” of Germany, but it seems to me they verge on wholesale rejection of an entire historical reality.GerPos374
One last word on the issue of anti-semitism: I am not at all sure the RZ yet gets it. On p.6, in trying to explain how their cadre could “select” Jewish passengers, they invoke “historical amnesia and moral disintegration”. Maybe…but maybe the reason was anti-semitism, no matter how ” anti-fascist” the comrades were. If you want to combat it, you need to recognize it and call it for what it is Second the kidnapping of Schleyer.

The RZ is critical of the hijacking of the Lufthansa plane. I agree with their criticism. As I mentioned earlier, I have publicly criticized similar actions before. Although the Left’s ultimate motivations and goals are humanistic, I believe there is some truth to the observation that violence can dull sensibilities. Self-righteousness, a sense of terrible wrongs being inflicted by the imperialist system, and a deeply held conviction that we need to fight for the future can sometimes lead to the ” end justifies the means” philosophy discussed by the RZ. I have come to believe that it is more likely that “the means will shape the end”.

I would also point out, though, that several of the most important Palestinians organizations have also rejected hijacking as a tactic. I think it is important and principled to point that out. For a number of years, it has been the official policy of the Executive Committee of the PLO that extra-territorial actions against Israel not be carried by groups affiliated with the PLO. So, it seems that the RZ’s sense of GerPos375revolutionary morality is shored by most Palestinian groups.

8. I want to make just one more comment: on p.8, the RZ seems to say that the basis for their anti-imperialism was an under-standing that national liberation and social liberation were one unitary process. Clearly, that has not always been true, although I find their statement that “the takeover of power rather destroyed than developed the social content of the revolution” in almost all cases is exaggerated and misleading. Did this observation come from discussions with the women of Nicaragua, Cuba or Vietnam? I disagree with the R.Z’s analysis of the basis of anti-imperialism. Self-determination is universally recognized as a human right and it should be supported on that basis alone. I also think that the achievement of self-determination by oppressed nations in the post-WW 2 period at least temporarily weakened the U.S.-led imperialist coalition and the whole model of capitalist accumulation. There may or may not be a successful effort to reform that model by the bourgeoisies, but that’s more our responsibility in the metropoles than a reflection on the recently liberated countries. Finally, unlike the RZ, I don’t believe that national liberation ” in almost all cases” has set back the process of social liberation.

The paper raises other issues, that deserve comment, and it could stimulate discussion GerPos323about the complex issues unsolved in combining international solidarity with liberation politics in the metropoles. I have neither the energy or political clarity to delve into those topics, but I will say that I have been struck by the continuity of “self” determination that underlies so many social struggles in the metropoles and the “self-determination” of oppressed nations. What any of those struggles have to do with “revolution” is something we all need to figure out both in theory and in practice. I am not sure we can arrive at an answer at this particular junction, and I do not think we should paralyze ourselves figuring out “revolutionary” strategies. Hopefully, our sense of right and wrong, justice and injustice is intact, and it can guide us in a murky period when old theory and strategies have proven seriously flawed.


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…  in Germany, after the dissolution of the RAF and RZs, a number of clandestine organizations carried on with armed actions … groups such as  the Militant Cells, Anti-Imperialist Cells, Klasse Gegen Klasse,  Das K.O.M.I.T.E.E. and Das K.O.L.L.E.C.T.I.V.E were all active  during the 1990s as part of the clandestine militant branch of the revolutionary left and Arm The Spirit did translate communiques from all these groups … they’ll all get up on this blog shortly …

… below is a communique from Klasse Gegen Klasse who were active for 4 or 5 years and active for the most part in Berlin …

kommuniquepicKlasse Gegen Klasse Communique

Enough Is Enough! Freedom For Mumia Abu-Jamal!
Stop The Construction Of The Youth Prison In Berlin-Lichtenrade!

On the night of 13.8.95, we carried out simultaneous attacks on the corporate headquarters of Helit & Woerner in Charlottenberg (Badenallee) as well as their depot in Neukolln (Maybachufer) by firebombing trucks belonging to the firm and leaving behind leaflets.GerPos273

We see our action as part of the international solidarity movement to save the life of ex-Black Panther Mumia Abu-Jamal and to win his freedom.

The firm Helit & Woerner is responsible for the planning, construction, and financing of the new prison for youths between the ages of 14-17 which is presently being built in the Lichtenrade section of Berlin. When the prison is built, it will be turned over to the state senate who will pay back the construction costs to the firm within 10 years. The youth prison in Lichtenrade will carry out supposedly liberal custody methods.

Here, as in the USA, prisons are full of people from the lower classes. This number also includes a high proportion of “foreigners” and non-white prisoners. This situation is an GerPos4expression of capitalist society. People who are no longer needed in the “labor market” are pushed out by the ruling powers according to their class, gender, skin color, or nationality. The bosses and their lackeys in the unions, political parties, and the media condemn these people as “welfare bums” who “refuse to work”, sometimes even branding them as “potential criminals”.

Then the state can force people to work irregular hours at substandard pay. At the same time, the state balances its budget and the poor bear the brunt of all the cuts. A similar situation has been true for the past several years with all those people forced into “crime” by social conditions. Such people are made to work for next to nothing, behind
bars. There are already 7 million people out of work, and as the labor market becomes more international and increasingly technological, the ruling classes are planning on increasing this number. Before, people used to complain about the so-called “Third World”, but now its fashionable among German middle class careerists to speak of Germany becoming overpopulated.

Friends, let’s smack these shitheads right in the face! The fact that the proletarian class go around spouting racist crap is proof of what power capitalist/racist ideology has over the hearts and minds of large segments of the population. But it also points out the GerPos55weaknesses of the politics of the predominantly middle class left, and it shows just how important it is that we turn our slogan “Borders don’t run between people, rather between the top and the bottom!” into reality.

So, a few words now about new “leftist” trends. It’s easy and cool to be in “solidarity” with Mexican natives who are struggling far away, or to debate about triple oppression theory while losing all practical intervention in the society around us, or the latest trend, to organize as animal rights activists, because animals have no consciousness so we don’t have to talk to them or argue with them, but still we have the feeling that we’re doing something noble. How pathetic!

The cry for “law and order” and the death penalty for “criminals” in the USA are slowly becoming acceptable here in Germany among the upper and middle classes (even within the Green Party). Behind this lies the knowledge that the worsening capitalist crisis can no longer get the same results from the system’s previous methods of integration. This is resulting in a great fear that increasing numbers of people from the proletarian class will themselves begin questioning capitalist conditions and stop being played off against one another and direct their hate and anger against capitalist injustice and once and for all bring an end to the egotistical lifestyles of the upper classes instead of just trying to imitate them.

There are more than 1 million (!) people in prison in the USA, and many millions more live in poor rural areas or city ghettos outside the realms of middle class life. Don’t GerPos281imagine that similar tendencies aren’t recognizable here in Germany, as more and more prisons are being built as benefits to the unemployed and people on welfare keep getting cut. Proletarian youths, especially the “foreign” ones among us, are in an especially difficult situation. It starts with trying to find a spot in school and doesn’t end with trying to find a place to live. Youths are constantly bombarded with the “values” of capitalist death-culture by their parents, teachers, bosses, and the media: competition, the “rights” of the strong, self-satisfaction through performance and consumption, and so on. In our cities, its “every man for himself”, coupled with traces of social disadvantage and exclusion, which gets expressed in such things as proletarian neighbors breaking into each other’s cars and homes, or outbreaks of violence, often with a sexist or racist motive. Then there are the problems of drugs and the increasing influence of right-wing nationalists, or Islamic groups among youths from Turkey or Yugoslavia.GerPos276

Against a background such as this, it’s very difficult to build up true friendships and social emancipatory relationships on a broader level which can be the basis for a new international fighting class. But, friends, enough of this talking!

To fight against the contemporary tendencies of powerlessness and resignation, we should orient ourselves towards people such as Mumia Abu-Jamal, who is sitting in a cell on death row, or Gulnaz Baghistani, the Kurdish comrade who died during the hunger strike. Their thoughts and actions, their determination and perseverance in the most difficult of circumstances, can give us strength and the inspiration to continue on the path we’re taking. Those people who aren’t being discouraged by the fact that the cops have arrested their friends in connection with the publication Radikal are also exhibiting great courage, or the Passau Youth Initiative, who are determined not to lapse into resignation following the “suicides” of four of their friends, rather they continue to struggle to create an autonomist youth center. There are GerPos277plenty of positive examples both here in our country as well as internationally!

From Gaziomanpasa to Kreuzberg! From Panama City to South Central Los

For the War of Class Against Class!

KGK (Klasse gegen Klasse/Class Against Class)



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     … in 1999 several people were arrested in Berlin and charged with membership in Revolutionary Cells / Rote Zora … Arm The Spirit did some support work around the people arrested and did a fair number of translations about the arrests and subsequent trials which were  put up on the support group’s webpage, etc … what follows are a couple of our translations about the arrests, and a communique from the Militant Cells which attempts to put the actions of the RZ into context and calls for a continuation of the actions / politics of the RZ … also working on a second RZ dossier that will include pieces alluded to in the first dossier such as “Bad News On A Piece Of Paper,” “This Is Not A Love Song”, statement from RZ cell “Tendency For The International Social Revolution”,  “This Is Not  A Love Song,” Statement Concerning The Attack On The Refugee Administration Centre in Boblingen and some analysis from others …

     “Terroist Hunt” In Berlin, Mehringhof Police and GSG-9 Search For Weapons and Explosives In Project Center

Within a few minutes of 6:00am on Sunday morning, the Gneisenaustrasse in Berlin’s bc3a-001Kreuzberg district was filled with police vehicles. Around a thousand cops, many masked, including members of the GSG-9 anti-terrorist police, staged a surprise raid on the Mehringhof complex on Sunday morning. The aim of the action was to search for a weapons depot.

According to the federal prosecutor’s office (BAW) in Karlsruhe, the officers were searching the rooms of the alternative project to look for weapons and explosives belonging to the organization Rote Zora/Revolutionary Cells (RZ). The row of parked police vehicles stretched a kilometer and a half down the street Gneisenaustrasse. But by the time the raid ended in the afternoon, nothing had been found. A few dozen people who were still in the Mehringhof at the time of the raid, having attended a salsa party the previous night, were only allowed to leave following ID checks at 11:00am. Journalists and photographers were denied entry to the complex, and surrounding buildings were occupied by police as well.

While the raid was still underway, a spontaneous demonstration was held. About 150 people took part in the demo, which was roughly treated by the police.

The police action at 6:00am was preceded by the arrest of two men in Berlin aged 49 and 51. At the same time, a 53-year-old woman was arrested in Frankfurt on charges of RZF22membership in a terrorist organization. One man and the woman are alleged to have participated in a 1987 bombing on a government office in charge of asylum policy in West Berlin. The woman arrested in Frankfurt is a close friend of Rudolf Gunter Schindler, who was arrested in Frankfurt a few weeks ago. Also, the accused are said to have taken part in another attack in 1987 on the head judge of the federal court in Berlin, Gunter Korbmacher, who was shot in the lower legs. The woman is also alleged to have taken part in an attack the year before on the chief of the foreigners division of the police bureaucracy in West Berlin, Harald Hollenberg.

In addition to the rooms of the alternative cultural center Mehringhof in Berlin-Kreuzberg, the police raid also searched cable and electrical ducts, because investigators had received a tip that the Revolutionary Cells/Rote Zora had built a weapons and explosives depot there. Unidentified members of the organization are said to have stolen more than 100kg of explosives in 1987, which was used in various actions, including the rotazora.png1991 bombing of the ‘Siegessaeule’ statue pillar. The majority of the explosives have never been recovered, however.

During the police raid, mention was made of the arrest orders against Rudolf Gunter Schindler, who has already been charged in Frankfurt with participating in the 1975 attack on the OPEC summit in Vienna. He was implicated by statements made to prosecutors by Hans-Joachim Klein – a former friend of Germany’s green foreign minister Joseph Fischer. The police raid seems to have turned up nothing, other than a 1986 phone list which included the name of Otto Schily, now Germany’s interior minister. Volunteers at the Mehringhof complex estimate the damage caused by the police raid to be over 100,000 DM. The BAW has said further arrests will follow.

(Source: junge Welt – December 20, 1999; Translated by Arm The Spirit)


Arson Attack On The ‘Bundesgrenzschutzinspektion’ (BGS) Grunewald / Cordestrasse In Berlin

Our attack on a BGS [Germany’s federal border police – ATS] structure has as its aim to expose this racist institution and to name it as such. We hope that we caused as much damage as possible, and thereby showed people that such projects of the ruling powers can be resisted.

RZF9This should motivate others to carry out actions as well. Despite being in a time of relative inactivity, militant interventions are an indispensable means of expanding the left-radical experience of resistance and acting with determination against the ruling centers of power. We will not let ourselves be influenced by the present state terrorist campaign against alleged members of the Revolutionary Cells (RZ) and Rote Zora. Militant anti-racist politics is and will always be emancipatory. Any form of criminalization or discrediting of anti-racist work by the ruling powers should only increase our determination to continue. We will not be intimidated: On December 19, 1999, a nationwide early morning action by federal police, the BGS, the GSG9, and local authorities resulted in ar-rests and raids on leftist structures due to supposed connections to the militant groups Revolutionary Cells and Rote Zora. Judging from the massive media coverage given to these raids, the arrest of three people on charges of “membership in a terrorist association” was an attempt to legitimize these raids on leftist establishments.

This aim of this state security action is clear: Firstly, to completely erase a left-radical project which has long been inactive, namely the Revolutionary Cells and the Rote Zora, and to make it of no use to those of us who remain in the social-revolutionary and anti-imperialist process of struggle.

Secondly, to nip in the bud any form of continuing militant resistance against the state’s racist policies of selection and deportation, a process largely initiated by the RZs in the mid-1980s.

Thirdly, the state, by means of its action, is sending a signal that state repression against militant or armed actions will remain uninterrupted, even after many years have passed, in order to intimidate and demoralize all forms of leftist resistance.

The principle of the RZs, namely to form many, independent resistance cells and RZF15autonomous groups, is still applicable today: “We realize that The concept of forming individual cells is a long-term and difficult effort. But it’s worth it, because it builds upon the self-initiative and self-responsibility of the militants, and it prevents functionalization and divisions of labor. The resistance does not begin with planting bombs. It involves a thousand levels of action.” (`Revolutionaerer Zorn’ #5) This form of militant organization is still relevant today, because it prevents any form of hierarchy arising in the militant struggle and thereby displays its own emancipatory potential. It cannot be denied that the RZs and the Rote Zora took militant anti-racism as an emancipatory project among the left and gave it public exposure. “It’s about breaking through the day-to-day acceptance of racist and sexist notions, making ourselves more sensible, and being able to intervene at all political levels.

“This is a theoretical and practical process which cannot be laid out individually, flat and smooth, but rather which must be gradually worked out by people from the anti-imperialist resistance, with refugees, and with immigrants. In this way, international solidarity can become real.” (extract from the communique on the attack on the ‘Auslaenderamt’ in Boblingen, August 1991)

The RZs and Rote Zora have shown that a nationwide, clandestine network can be continu-ously able to independently intervene in an armed and militant manner in actual political confrontations, or to even push certain ques-tions to the foreground within the (radical) left itself. For example, the debates about racism, gene technology, human genetics, and so on, in the early 1990s, both inside and outside the RZ, and the formation of the Rote Zora. These left a great legacy for the radical left in Germany, which every militant or armed initiative today can draw on in both conceptional and practical ways. Also, the Rote Zora, a feminist militant group which arose from the RZ, showed that women/ lesbians can self-organize an independent revolutionary struggle, a critical distance from patriarchal structures within the scene, and inject their own positions into single-issue movements (for example, their bomb attack on the Luerssen RZF10shipyard in support of the women in the Kurdish liberation struggle). The state terrorist campaign against alleged members of the RZ and their arrest, as well as the raid on the Mehringhof complex in Berlin, a place which is home to various political initiatives, was an attempt to intimidate the radical left and to criminalize militant anti-racism. Leftist and left-radical politics are to be silenced. The banning of the Luxemburg-Liebknecht Demonstration on January 9, 2000 should also be seen in this way. Another dis-gusting example is the state’s shoot-to-kill policy which is still in effect against the RAF.

In the RZ’s “Free Floods” campaign, in addition to material attacks on institutions which represent the racist social-technical apparatus, a form of action was chosen which hits this apparatus where it hurts the most. This form of action was to expose the people who try to re-main anonymous behind the facade of this apparatus, to give these individuals names and faces, and to hold them responsible for their policies by means of direct, physical attacks. For example, the actions against bureaucracy chief Hollenberger in October 1986 and Berlin’s chief administrative judge Korbmacher in September 1987 were not intended as acts of political liquidation. The intent of these actions was rather to guarantee that these racist bureaucrats survived. Because the RZ were neither militarist nor “unscrupulous”, but they felt it was politically useful to injure and thereby publicly expose these faceless technocrats, in order to make their functions more clearly known to the public.

Do Something? Do Something!

Today more than ever, the BGS is an appropriate target for militant anti-racist politics. It RZF16is a symbol of aggressive racism in an institu-tionalized form. The apparatus of the BGS has developed in the 1990s into a logistical and or-ganizationally efficient instrument of repression. Nowadays, all of Germany is considered bor-der territory by the BGS and is thus to be con-trolled. Cooperation among state agencies, as well as the increasing use of computers, have made the BGS a center of racist exclusion and repressive praxis. “The BGS functions as an instrument of the virtual abolition of the right to asylum and, because of its responsibility for border control and deportations, is to be held politically responsible.” (Militant Group `Aamir Mohamed Ahmed Ageeb’ – June 9, 1999) Back in October 1993, the RZ bombed an electric power station which supplied power to the BGS barracks in Frankfurt/Oder, and in their communique on the action they explained the function of the BGS within the Schengen Agreement’s system. The RZ were well ahead of their time in highlighting this overlooked institution as a potential target for militant anti-racist politics.

The political atmosphere in this country is creating a broad acceptance of the racist practices of the BGS, for example by drawing in such themes as protecting the environment at the local, national, regional, or even global level into a broader concept of security. The present scientific discourse claims that rising global population is mainly to blame for the destruction of the environment, and that this in turn is creating a “pressure to migrate”. But migration across borders is turned into a security problem be-cause it exposes social problems such as ethnic tensions and insufficient social integration. In such scenarios, all social crisis phenomena are transformed into security questions to be answered with the appropriate military and para-military institutions. Instead of strategies of social pacification or integration, expanding security political measures and pushed more strongly into the foreground

RZF3.jpgAt another level, refugees are subjected to any number of types of poor treatment. For example, war refugees in Berlin have been treated in a particularly inhuman manner by social institutions, with the aid of the German Red Cross. They are forced to eat strange food and many no longer receive any financial assistance whatsoever. Despite hungerstrikes and other political initiatives by the refugees, the authorities have not changed their ways. We are in solidarity with the struggles by refu-gees! And we hope that we can develop together into a political force, despite the many mistakes and contradictions in our politics. Our praxis of militant anti-racism is our own position and our contribution.

Freedom For Axel, Harold And Sabine!

Against Racist Policies Of Selection And Deportation!

The 8 Prisoners From The RAF Must Be Released – Unconditionally!

For Free Flood!

Militant Cell /  Berlin 2000

Translated by Arm The Spirit


The Revolutionary Cells (RZ):

A Chronology Of Repression

August 1978 – Following involuntary statements by blinded RZ member Feiling, a RZFSonjaChristianGerman federal court issued arrest warrants for Sabine Eckle, Rudolf Schindler, Sonja Suder, and Christian Gauger, who are alleged by police to be the Frankfurt cell of the RZ. The four go underground. Tarek [see below] later tells police that Schindler and Eckle lived in Berlin-Kreuzberg from around 1985 to around 1990.

October 26, 1986 – The chief of the Foreigners’ Division of the bureaucracy [the ‘Auslaenderbehoerde’] in Berlin, Harald Hollenberg, is shot in the legs outside his home in Zehlendorf. The police suspect a man and a women carried out the attack, with other men acting as lookouts. The escape vehicle, a Volkswagen Passat, is later discovered in flames. Hollenberg not only pursued a hardline as head of the ‘Auslaenderbehoerde’, he also was guilty of accepting bribes and was eventually forced to resign from his post.

February 1, 1987 – Bomb attack by the RZ on the ‘Zentrale Sozialhilfstelle fuer Asylbewerber’ in Berlin. The attack caused only minor damage, but a later firebombing by the Revolutionary Viruses/Youth Organization of the RZ burned the building to the ground.

September 1, 1987 – The RZ attack Gunter Korbmacher, Chief Justice of the Federal Administrative Court. The 61-year-old was shot twice in the thigh as he left his house. The police suspect two people carried out the attack and then fled on a motorcycle. The motorcycle, with a fake number tag, was later found nearby. Korbmacher’s rulings as judge included one which stated that the oppression of Tamils was not systematic and that therefore each asylum case had to be judged individually. He also spoke out in favor of tightening Germany’s asylum laws; he was well ahead of the times in doing so.

5-278504b3e1-2December 18, 1987 – Nationwide police raids against the RZ and Rote Zora result in 33 arrests, including the arrest of Ulla Penselin and Ingrid Strobl. Four people, including Ulli Dillmann, Thomas Kram, and Corinna Kawaters, avoid the raids and go underground.

April 1988 – The police confiscate a car in Dahlem which had been stolen in August 1987. It contains 3kg of explosives, a gas cannister, an alarm clock, two motorcycle helmets, two jogging pants, two wind jackets, and several bags. The car is said to have been an RZ escape vehicle. The explosive did not ignite.

October 1988 – The Federal Prosecutor’s Office drops its investigation of Schindler and Eckle.

June 1989 – Ingrid Strobl is sentenced to 5 years in prison for “supporting a terrorist association”. Later the sentence is reduced to 3 years.

January 1991 – Rudolf Schindler and Sabine Eckle reappear on the wanted posters.

January 1991 – Failed attack on the Social Ministry in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia and the State Chancellor’s Office in Dusseldorf. Soon thereafter, the cell responsible for these actions announces its dissolution, and the end of the RZ begins.

February 1991 – Bomb attack on the ‘Siegessaeule’ war monument in Berlin in protest against the Gulf War.

June 1991 – Firebombs ignited inside the ‘Reichstag’ in Berlin as an RZ protest against the planned move of Germany’s capital back to Berlin.

July 1991 – The Revolutionary Cells firebomb two Kaiser’s supermarkets, since the chain has plans to construct a new supermarket on the site of the former Ravensbruck RZF33 (2).jpgconcentration camp.

November 1992 – Several homes and workplaces are searched by police in Berlin. Police suspect one Berlin resident is a member of the RZ and participated in the Korbmacher attack. The investigations are later closed.

late March 1995 – The Federal Attorney’s Office (BAW) claim that two youths stole two dozens packets of the explosive Gelamon 40 as well as 4.15m of fuse wire from a cellar in Prenzlauer Berg.

early April 1995 – Police confiscate the above mentioned explosives from the youths, who claim to have found the materials in a park. The significance of the discovery does not dawn on the police at first. It isn’t until the spring of 1999 that the cops claim the explosives are part of a cache of explosives stolen by “unidentified RZ members” from a construction site in North Rhine-Westphalia on June 4, 1987. These explosives are said to have been use in at least three RZ attacks or attempted attacks. Another round of interrogations with the youths takes the police to the cellar.

October 25, 1995 – Corinna Kawaters turns herself in to federal authorities, after having made contact with Mr. Benz of the intelligence agency (VS).

mid-1990s – Ulli Dillmann resurfaces after the investigations against him are closed.

March 1998 – The trial against Corinna Kawaters begins. She is accused of having been a member of the RZ/ Rote Zora for at least 11 months in 1987. During a search of her home, an alarm clock was confiscated.

June 1998 – A court in Stuttgart rules on Corinna Kawaters’ case.

1998 – Hans Jochaim Klein is arrested in France.

May 19, 1999 – Tarek Mousli, said to have rented the cellar mentioned above, is arrested and charged with supporting a terrorist association. He is detained in prison. A former partner of his during the 1990s is also implicated in renting the cellar. Tarek expresses no interest in political support. He treats the matter as a personal matter. Neither he nor his lawyer have offered any information about what the police were interested in. A short notice in a Berlin daily newspaper about his arrest is the only source of information for the political movement.rz2

July 7, 1999 – Tarek Mousli is released on bail. He makes a brief statement about the charges.

November 13, 1999 – Rudolf Schindler is arrested in Frankfurt on charges of “accomplice to murder” as a result of statements made by Hans Jochaim Klein.

November 17, 1999 – Federal authorities file charges against Rudolf Schindler after Klein says he was involved in the OPEC action and provided logistical support.

November 23, 1999 – Tarek Mousli is arrested again, this time for being the “leader of the RZ in Berlin” and is taken to Ossendorf Prison in Cologne. He is concretely charged with the October 28, 1986 shooting of Harald Hollenberg. He is also said to have fired the two shots at Gunter Korbmacher on September 27, 1987. It’s surprising that the BAW did not simply charge him with participating in the attack but rather with actually firing the shots. He is also said to have participated in the February 6, 1987 RZ bomb attack in Berlin. He is also said to have had “immediate access to the weapons depot of the RZ in Berlin”. He is also said to have “participated in the strategy discussions within the RZ in the early 1990s”. The BAW have not said where their evidence for these charges comes from. Tarek’s lawyer makes no statement on the matter. Rumor has it that statements were made by a former partner of Tarek (1995), who, after a long stay abroad, told everything she knew to police. Tarek is said to have spoken openly of his past with her. At exactly the same time on this day, eight sites are raided by police, five in Berlin, two in Brandenburg, and one in Saxony-Anhalt. Four of the sites were regularly used by Tarek, four were the homes of contact persons. These include the homes of Axel H. and Martin B., who had “intensive personal and written contact with the accused” according to authorities. Also, the home of a woman and the woman’s partner are also searched by police. Tarek’s home is also searched, as are his two martial arts studios in Prenzlauer Berg and Marzahn in Berlin.

RZKnipPic1 (2)

December 6, 1999 – An article appears in a Berlin newspaper which claims the police are investigating Stasi lawyer Jurgen Wetzenstein-Ollenschlager. He is said to have been involved in concealing millions of German marks belonging to the Stasi and went underground in 1992. He is said to be living somewhere in East Berlin. From the article it becomes clear that the woman whose home was searched because of Tarek’s statements was Ollenschlager’s ex-mother-in-law. According to the article, the police searched the home of a “Ms. K” to find a kind of “life insurance” policy belonging to Tarek Mousli, which lists him as a participant in RZ actions. Whether such a text was actually found is not clear.

December 14, 1999 – Tarek’s lawyer resigns. By this point it should have been obvious that Tarek was handling everything, since his lawyer, a friend of his for many years, could no longer go along with what was happening. But this information was not made known to people in the movement effectively enough. From this day on, at the latest, Tarek began making statements to police. The arrest warrants for Axel, Harald, Sabine, and Rudolf were signed on this date, as was the search order for the raid on the Mehringhof complex. It can be assumed that Tarek has entered the state witness protection program (‘Kronzeugengesetz’), and that in future he will be given a new identity with the help of state authorities.

December 19, 1999 – The Mehringhof and the private homes of Axel, Sabine, and Harald are raided by police. Rudolf, already in prison because of Klein’s statements to the cops, is handed a second arrest order. Despite the efforts of more than 1,000 cops, no RZ weapons depot is uncovered inside the Mehringhof. The raids and arrests were the direct result of statements given by Tarek Mousli. Rumor has it that Tarek gave police the names of 50 people associated with the RZ.RZF19

December 27, 1999 – An article in ‘Focus’ magazine mentions a list with the names of 50 suspected RZ members. It’s unclear whether this list really exists, or if it has any judicial relevance, since the statute of limitations on most actions has expired. The fact that the BAW are having problems with the statute of limitations is made clear by the fact that the 1980 accidental fatal shooting of Hessian Economics Minister Karry is no longer referred to as “assault resulting in death” but instead is called a “murder”. There is no statute of limitations on murder charges.

January 4, 2000 – Tarek is said to have made further statements to police and is willing to speak with investigators to clear up inconsistencies in his earlier statements.

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from ‘Interim’ #492 – January 27, 2000)



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… came across these 6 communiques from German clandestine /  militant groups … all fromantifafeet6 1993, all translated by Arm The Spirit, and all concerning actions taken against, as one of the communiques puts it, “suit and tie fascists” … Arm The Spirit published a couple of these communiques in our 32-page publication “Attack The Nazis Everywhere! Documentation On The Anti-Fascist Movement In Germany” which we put out in 1993 or 1994 … you can find that publication up on the Arm The Spirit ISSUU site …


Stop the Nazi Papers

Because the various warnings and actions at several businesses and stores apparently didn’t work about 50 newspaper stores were visited in 11 districts of Berlin, Germany on the night of October 4th to 5th, 1993. Three kiosks were torched and several were covered with a foul smelling substance. Many locks were also glued and the reason for the attack left behind in spraypaint and stickers.antifafeet3

For almost one year a campaign has been waged against the public sale of fascist newspapers in kiosks. By fascist papers we mean those which work toward a new dictatorial or fascist social order. They deny or downplay the holocaust, demand the return of the former “Eastern Regions” to Germany, spread racist agitation and see the only role for women in “peace times” at the home and in front of the oven. These papers more or less deny the right of existence for all Jews and all who aren’t white, German and healthy as well as all leftists. These papers have different approaches; they speak to different sections of the population and are openly fascist to varying degrees.

One of the papers we targeted, the Junge Freiheit (Young Freedom) is especially dangerous, and not just because it will move to a weekly format in 1994. The Junge Freiheit was started in 1986 as an internal theory organ. Since then it has a print run of 30,000. An important goal of the Junge Freiheit is promoting contact and cooperation among conservatives, extreme rightists, Christian Democrat functionaries, right wing professors, Republikaners, Nationalists and national revolutionaries. Many present and former functionaries of fascist groups write in the Junge Freiheit. The Junge Freiheit intellectualizes fascist positions and packages them as conservative. In this way the makers of the paper want to attain not only political power, but most importantly cultural dominance.

Anti-fascism for us is more than just fighting against Nazis and their press. Practical anti-fascist work for us is a part of the struggle against bosses, politicians, sexists and racists, against this imperialist normality. A part of this normality is the mass of softpornshit which lie around in almost all kiosks. This marketing of women’s and children’s bodies, this sexist and theTERRORsexist propaganda makes us sick.antifafeet2

We don’t however fight the fascist papers in order to defend this mock democracy, but because they are an obstacle on the path to liberation, because they support and legitimize the arsonist murderers with their racist agitation and because they are a motor which pushes this society increasingly rightward.

Fight The System!
No Foothold For Fascists!

Prevent The Weekly Publication Of June Freiheit

Antifascist Lesbian/Women Groups And Other Anti-Fascist Groups


“Autonomist Groups” Communique

We have:

1) burned the car of Nazi lawyer Carsten Pagel of Ritterlandweg 53a, Berlin Wedding on 28-10-93,

antifafeet9 (2)2) sprayed the household door of REP [Republikaner Partei, mainstream neo-Nazi party – trans.] Neukoln city health representative Bernd Bruschke of Wermuthweg 3, 8th floor, Berlin Neukoln, with butyric acid and glued the locks,

3) burned the car of the chief editor of Ullstein  Verlages [a publishing house – trans.], Dr. Rainer Zitelmann of  Friedrich Wilhelm Platz 3, Berlin Friedenau.

Nov. 9th was the 55th anniversary of the Reichspogromnacht [the night the pogroms began during the 3rd Reich – translator].  On this day the European right, that is the fascists in the the European Parliament (Vlaams Block, Front National, MSI, Republikaner) wanted to hold a celebration at the Berlin Reichstag  [parliament building – trans.]. This celebration was supported by the Deutschen Liga fur Volk and Heimat [German League for the Race and the Homeland – trans] and the Republikaners.

These parties want to cast the cloak of democracy over their racist, totalitarian, and sexist ideologies to help create a breakthrough. They are not in this way different from the established parties, but they function through grandiloquent speeches and a connection to fascist street terror to give the ruling classes an analytical basis which shifts the so-called social consensus even further to the right.

On Nov. 9th they wanted to mock the memory of millions who were persecuted, abused, and murdered under National Socialism, in as far as they wanted to propagate in an unrestrained way their, revisionism (lies about Auschwitz, theories of the shared antifafeet8 (2)responsibility in their own persecution of those sacrificed, the trivialization of National Socialism). Furthermore, they support the daily persecution of foreigners, leftists, and refugees in this country.

The fascists cancelled their celebration, not least of all because they were afraid of us. Nonetheless, we carried out this symbolic action, not because we believe we can really obstruct the fascists in this way, but to indicate that it is possible to drag the “normal” and honest fascists out of their anonymity. Fascists cannot be resisted either by militant actions alone nor by word alone. As well when the fascists succeed with increasing frequency in gaining public functions and making many people accustomed to this, there can be no normality in our relationships with them. If we want to force an end to their swirl of activity, a wide range of political forms of action is necessary. And to show that that is possible, we tried in a small to put a little heat on.

We can stop the fascists from meeting if we attack them.

Autonomist Groups

Gruppe Jupp Messinger

On the night of Wednesday, November 3rd, we broke two windows and used paint-bombs to renovate the building of the Bonn fraternity, the Frankonia, at Lennestrase 10.

This good and proper student association belongs to the umbrella organization the Deutschen Burschenschaft [German fraternity – trans.] (DB). Many ideas which are antifafeet7.jpg (2)characteristic of extreme right thought are expressed in the announcements of
fraternities. Included among others: the bringing together of universal civil rights and equal rights, a volkisher [a word of Nazi origin, meaning national – trans.] nationalism, combined with the desire for a new Pan-Germany, a biologically based and as such racist perception of race (a perspective of “Volksgemeinschaft” [a nazi term meaning national community – trans.] based on “blood quantum”), and a rigid anti-communism, anti-feminism, and anti-pacifism. Basically the student associations understand themselves, and above all the military fraternities like the Frankonia, as the “elite of the nation” and support their inhuman social perspective through their highly functional tentacles through the universities and into politics and business.

Their influence and their danger are not restricted to universities. They have always stood on the side of the ruling class and oppression; whether during World War I, the Weimar Republic, National Socialism, or today, where they not only approve of the politics of this state, with its mass deportations, closed borders, social decomposition, and internally and externally directed militarization but emphatically support them. So, staunch anti-semites like the Domincan priest Basilius Streithofen, ideological arsonists like the Bonn political science professor Hans-Helmuth Knutter, and and behind the scene masterminds like former Berlin senator Heinrich Lummer have made guest appearances at the “Frankenhaus.”

A prime example of the nature of their comprehension of democracy was given by the Frankonia on June 22nd of this year when they prevented over thirty people from attending a lecture by Knutter in their house, a lecture originally advertised as open to the public, and instead charged twelve anti-fascists with “trespass” and “coercion.”antifafeet11 (2)

A reading circle of the new right magazine Criticon also meets regularly in the Frankonia. As well, the entire spectrum of students, from the ultraconservative to the neo-nazi, is welcome there, sometimes including the FAP [Freie Deutsche Arbeiter Partei, a ultra-violent neo-nazi group – trans.] functionary, Rene Decrouppee.

The spiritual guardian of fascism such as the “Franken” must know elitist, volkisch nationalism, anti-women, and anti-communist views and activities will not go unanswered. Our night-time action was one such answer!

Attack The Street Level Arsonists And Their Suit And Tie Guardians!

Build Anti-Fascist Unity!

Gruppe Jupp Messinger

(Bonn communist tortured to death by the Nazis in 1933)


Communique Regarding The Action Against Rainer Zitelmann

On the 08-11-1993, we burned the car (red metallic BMW 3er, B-MW 4796) of Rainer Zitlemann of Friedrich Wilhelm Platz 3, Berlin-Friedenau.arasec2pica-001

He is one of the suit and tie fascists, the decent ones in the background, therefore acting from a strategically important position. Zitelmann belongs to the team of revisionist historians around Ernst Nolte. As of 1987, he was an assistant researcher at the Institute for Research in the Social Sciences at the FU [ Free University – trans.]. During this period he published two sorry works. One, “Hitler, Selbstbildnis eines Revolutionars” [Hitler, the Self-Perception of a Revolutionary – trans.] occupied itself with Adolph Hitler as a pre-eminent statesman, who, himself, had no guilt for the millions of persecuted an exterminated opposition figures. The designation of revolutionary is used by Zitlemann in a positive way because Hitler violated many historically useless conventions.

According to some statements, Zitelmann was formerly a Maoist.

His second work, a text which he issued together with R. melser: “Die braune Elite, 22 biographische Skizzen” [The Brown lite, 22 Biographical Sketches – trans.]. In it Zitelmann worked further on his favorite theme, Adolph Hitler. He constructs a
leadership picture to raise the enthusiasm of young and old fascists alike. Hitler, the cool statesman, who consistently executed his external and internal political objectives. Hitler, the great personality: “Characteristic for Hitler was first of all the radicalism and exclusive quality with which he supported all of his views, insights, and prejudices, and secondly his attempt ‘rationally’ ground his opinions and to formulate a closed worldview, free of contradictions and offering a solution to all problems. Feelings which only caused other people uneasiness, drove him to despair. More radical than many of his contemporaries, Hitler perceived real or supposed outrages.” Zitlemann supports the concept that Hitler should not be perceived as the cause of the Holocaust, but rather that the Holocaust was a consequence of the increasing radicalization of society. Mind you, he does not deny the mass murder of Jews, he merely downplays it. Because, if the
Holocaust was an example of the laws of history, that means that the perpetrators could not have handled it otherwise and, as such carry no guilt.

In the meantime, he lets drop a few expressions of embarrassment to protect an external appearance of balance: “Those who didn’t belong to this Volksgemeinschaft [National Socialist term meaning “national community” – trans.], lived a different reality during the Third Reich: not in increased equality and opportunity, but with limitations, persecution, antifagrafnineteen-002humiliation, and oppression.” What a cynical trivialization of torture, murder, and rape.

Perhaps up to now it is possible for people to still think that we are dealing with an intellectual new right that is attempting to discover new shades of brown in Germany’s past, who see themselves as better informed. But they move in an unambiguous radical right circle.

The beginning of his transformation was at Ullstein/Langen-Muller Verlag, the third largest publishing house in the FRG, where he edited the anthology “Die Schatten der Vergangenheit – Impulse zur Historisieung des Nationalsozialismus” [The Shadow of the Past: The Impulse to Historically Contextualize National Socialism – trans.]. It contained writings, among others, by Ernst Nolte and Michael Wolfssohn. The concern of this work is to make the historical debate objective. So it says in the introduction: “Even coping with the past requires a rational discourse. It is not only the ‘Jenniger case’ (in the truest sense of the word) that indicates the lack of composure of public opinion if it involves a reappraisal of the past.”

In the following essay, “Was heist Historisierung des Nationalsozialismus?” [What is Meant by Historically Contextualizing National Socialism – trans.] (by U. Backes, E. Jesse, and our little Zitlemann), the authors plead for the abandonment of a moralistic assessment and for a entire historical overview of National Socialism: “In classification and assessment of historical events and situations, comparison plays a central role. The assertion of the incomparible nature of certain events (like, for instance, the National Socialist extermination of the Jews) constitutes a contradicto in adjecto (contradiction in itself).” A few pages later the authors are even clearer. They oppose the censoring of radical right-wing writings. They fret about the welfare of authors like Arthur Butz and Wilhelm Staglich, who deny the Holocaust, and regret that “for specific writings a ban on publication exists. Even more serious, however, is the fact that authors whose work is indicated are effectively socially proscribed.” Every thing should be freely available to allow the New Right to use the mantel of offensive history to conquer terrain for their fellow-fascists of like mind. So it is no longer surprising if a serious debate about David Irving’s theses (lies about Auschwitz) is encouraged, as these “fertile tendencies” have an effect.

In 1992, Zitelmann was appointed chief editor of the Ullstein Propylan Verlag [ a publishing house – trans.] by Herbert Fleissner. Fleissner, before he became Springer’s managing director at Ullstein/Langen-Muller, published Franz Schonhuber’s [leader of the the Republikaner Party, a mainstream neo-nazi party in Germany, and a former SS officer – trans.] glorification of the Waffen SS, “Ich war dabei” [I Was There – trans.], and is a member of the southern German pro-National Socialist Witiko-Bund.

As chief editor he decides not only what will be picked up, he also vigourously helps bring racist propaganda to the people.

In 1992, he helped the old racist Heinrich Lummer to write his sorry work, “Asyl – Das misbrauchte Recht” [Asylum: The Abused Right – trans.], for which he received Lummer’s heartfelt thanks.antifagrafeighteena

This work is teeming with references to Gypsies, pseudo-refugees, and criminals. Waves of criminals from the Balkans and black Africa are washing over us. The right to asylum should be completely eliminated. Protection from persecution is nothing other than sentimental humanitarianism. The whole thing peaks with the threatening observation that something must change soon as the peace between the local people and the foreigners is tenuous.

As the editor of “Westbindung: Chancen and Risken fur Deutschland” [The Western Bond: Opportunities and Risks for Germany – trans.] he makes an appearance with Karlheinz Weismann. Weismann is the editor of the Nazi and racist Mut [Rage – trans.] and the author of Jungen Freiheit [Youthful Freedom – trans.]. Little wonder, therefore that Zitelmann enthusiastically gives interviews in this newspaper, especially if it deals with new conceptions for the self-described “taz of the right” (taz is a social-democratic
left daily ideologically close to the socialist left within the Green Party – trans.).

We consider it necessary to drag such a respectable leadership, a leadership which sports brown underwear under its white suits, out of its anonymity. While fascist parties like the Republikaners agitate on the parliamentary level, intellectuals like Zitelmann drive the rightward shift forward by more subtle means. He not only makes National Socialism again appropriate for the salon, in as far as he, above all, occupies himself with the positive sides, he courts the deep brown pack and definitely takes the side of the racists and criminals.

Communique Regarding The Action Against Carsten Pagel

We chose C. Pagel (Office address: Fragestr. 73, Berlin-Friedenau) as the target for an anti-fascist action, because after a career of almost 12 years in the extreme right and fascist milieu as a Nazi lawyer, as an author in neo-fascist publications such as the affmdatfonec-001“Junge Freiheit” [Young Freedom – trans.], as a functionary in the Deutschen Liga fur Volk und Heimat (DL) [German League for the People and the Homeland – trans.], and as a committee member of the “Hoffman v. Fallersleben Bildungswerks” [Hoffman v. Fallerleben Center for Formation – trans.] he has a central structural role within the Berlin neo-fascist spectrum.

Let us recall yet again a few dates out of the career of this man who is now an intermediary between militant neo-nazis, the New Right, and old Nazis in Berlin.

C. Pagel – A Spider In Berlin’s Brown Web And Nazi Lawyer

December 1991

Pagel was elected as a committee member of the “Hoffman v. Fallersleben Bildungswerks”. The “Bildungswerk” was founded in January 1991 as an umbrella organization for militant neo-nazis, representatives of the New Right, and old Nazis. The “Bildungswerk” very forcefully portrayed it’s function as ideological instruction, e.g. through one day seminars given by all those devoted to “activity in the national milieu.” (such that no boundary to extreme right-wingers exists). Speakers have included, among
others, Ex-Euro-Rep Emil Schlee [a member of the European parliament representing the Republikaner Partei, a mainstream far-right party – trans.], Markus Motschmann, Matthias Bath. At the same time, an attempt was made to use the “Bildungswerk” to establish and to coordinate the points emphasized in the propaganda of different tendencies within the Berlin fascist spectrum. The “Bildungswerk”, at the same time, served as the front organization for the Deutschen League fur Volk und Heimat (DL), which was founded in October 1991, and which served as a merger of former NPDers [German Nationalist Party, a mainstream far right party – trans.], ex-Republikaners, NSDAP/AO [German National Socialist Workers Party/Reconstruction Organization – autoantifagrafaaaatrans.] cadre, among others. The goal of the DL is to build an umbrella fascist party with the most superficially modern appearance possible.

May 1992

The “nationalists” planned a fascist march on the Soviet “Kapitulationsmuseum” [Museum of the Capitulation/Surrender – trans.] in Karlshorst with the holocaust denier David Irving as the main speaker. Pagel acted as a lawyer for the nationalists in an attempt to have the legal ban on the march lifted. The march remained banned. Anti-fascist demonstrators prevented all further attempts by the neo-nazis to gather.

November 1992

Pagel acted as the lawyer for the “Deutsche Kulturgemeinschaft” [German Cultural Association – trans.] and its acting chairwoman Ursula Schaffer in an attempt to overturn the ban on the second fascist march to the “Soldatenfriedhof” [soldier’s cemetery – trans.] in Halbe.

January 1993

Pagel took part in the “Feierstunde zur Reichsgrundung” [Celebration of the Founding of the Reich – trans.] jointly organized by Berliner Kulturgemeinschaft Preusen [Berlin Prussian Cultural Association – trans.] and the Hoffman v. Fallersleben Bildungswerk. As well, over and above this, C. Pagel is the joint editor for Berlin of the largest New Right newspaper, “Junge Freiheit” and continues as a lawyer to meet with old Nazis and militant neo-nazis.

antifafeet10 (2)Nazi functionaries like C. Pagel, with their suits and ties, make fascist and racist ideology, appropriate for the salon – his contacts reach as far as the CDU [Christian Democratic Party – trans.].

The translation of this ideology into practice, promoted and supported by the State and the established parties through racist propaganda and the growing exclusion and stigmatization of all those who do not or cannot express the ruling norms (migrants, refugees, black Germans, the homeless, the disabled, lesbians, gays, the left), has been over 50 deaths and many nameless sacrifices to racist and fascist terror over the last four years.

The proximity in time of our action to the anniversary of the night of the Reich pogrom of November 9th, 1938 is a conscious decision. It has nothing to do with putting a check to any “beginning,” but rather with offering a practical anti-fascism to fascist continuity and its representatives in the FRG.

An Autonomist Group


False Heros Fall For False Glory
Nazis And Militarists Fuck Off

In the night from October 27 to October 28/93, we decorated the front courtyard of the Soldatensfriedhof [soldiers cemetery – trans.] in Halbe with two large letters (S.O.), as well as clearly improving the rest of the view in Halbe Erfuhr with previously unavailable slogans directed against, Nazis, fascists, racists, and war-mongers.

antifafeet4aWe ‘re directing this against the march planned again for this year (November 14) by domestic and foreign fascists and nationalists, who since 1990 have occasionally used this site to establish German and pan-European contacts and to organize themselves.

Halbe was the site of the last large battle of encirclement of World War II. The SS General Felix Steiner issued the order to his 3rd German Panzer Corps and the German soldiers not to surrender to the vastly superior Soviet army, but to continue, even in this hopeless situation, to struggle for the “final victory.” Among the fallen there were also many youth summoned to the “Volkssturm” [German Territorial Army during the Third Reich – trans.] during the last days of the “thousand day Reich” and sacrificed to Nazi exhortations to hold out. (See Antifa Info Nr. 20)

As early as 1951, the then parish priest of Halbe established a memorial at the Soldatenfriedhof. In 1991, the Bundeswehr [German army – trans.] was ready to AAM-DEMO1celebrate a common wreath-laying with the fascists. For us the fact that 22,000 people were driven to join the war-dead is no cause for a “memorial.” This site can no longer remain a place of pilgrimage for the neo-nazi scene.

Again this year, on November 14, the neo-nazis are planning a march in commemoration of the Waffen SS. However, with our action we want to indicate that they are not wanted in Halbe or elsewhere.

Prevent the Nazi March!!!
Smash The Nazis Wherever You Find Them!!!

NASCH (Nachtliche antifaschistische Schleicherinnen) [Anti-Fascist Night Prowlers – trans.]


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